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CHAPTER IV

VOCATIONAL CRISIS: 1853-1860

Joseph Smith III never consciously rejected his father's religion. But during
his teen-age years he apparently was not overwrought with religious searching.
For reasons of her own, his mother maintained a silence upon such questions. His
step-father scoffed at religious profession. The young man and his brothers
worked in the hotel, at gardening, and on the family farm. There were the woods
and the great "Father of Waters" to explore. Social life was gay around the
Mansion. Joseph's interest in young women was awakening. And there was the
world of books to explore, besides.

Not only this, but memories of persecution, forced exile, civil disorders,
and the murders at Carthage Jail were still fresh. Anti-Mormon sentiment in
Hancock County was still potentially explosive. Joseph's cousin, Solomon
Salisbury, encountered repeated examples of religious persecution in various parts
of the county.1 Joseph himself was more insulated against such sentiment, living
in Nauvoo, but only relatively so. For years, wisdom dictated keeping a low
profile concerning the Latter Day faith. There was no opportunity to meet with
other Saints for worship services or prayer meetings. To have held such services
in Hancock County would have created an uproar.

If Joseph Smith III was not actively practicing his father's religion, others
of that faith had not forgotten him. As he approached his majority, a number of
Saints grew anxious that he take up his father's work. Various people in Utah
looked for him to join them, and members of several factions entertained similar
hopes.

Developments in the West

After evacuating Nauvoo in 1846, Brigham Young led the Mormons to
"Winter Quarters," in the vicinity of modern-day Council Bluffs, Iowa. The
following spring, the first group of pioneers set out for the Rocky Mountains, the
main detachment arriving in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake on July 24, 1847.
Although the season was late, they immediately planted crops. They also plotted a
future city, designated the site of a future temple, and chose their "inheritances."
Then the leaders returned to Winter Quarters, leaving some of the Pioneers in the
valley under the leadership of John Smith, uncle of Joseph Smith, Jr. The trek
across Iowa, the stay at Winter Quarters, the hegira to the mountains, and the
planting of Zion in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake were filled with hardship and
heroism.

Back at Winter Quarters, Brigham Young suggested to the Quorum of the
Twelve Apostles the advisability of forming a separate First Presidency.
Heretofore, the Twelve had governed the church as a quorum. There had been no
claim to succeed Joseph Smith in his unique office, for, as the Times and Seasons
had proclaimed, "Let no man presume for a moment that his place will be filled by
another; for, remember he stands in his own place, and always will." On August 8,
1844, the assembled Saints had not voted to sustain the Twelve to succeed the
prophet, but to govern the church as the next ranking quorum. Nevertheless,
Brigham Young soon had become de facto president of the church, by virtue of
being the president and senior member of the Twelve. Long before the exodus
from Nauvoo, he was signing himself "President of the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter Day Saints." Now Brigham Young suggested formalizing his hitherto de facto
presidency over the church.

Brigham Young's suggestion that a separate First Presidency be formed
represented a new departure. There was neither precedent nor revelation
authorizing the Twelve to appoint a separate First Presidency. This would give
Brigham Young and his two counselors administrative authority over the rest of
the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. It took nearly two months of discussions
before Brigham Young could overcome the opposition to this proposal. Apostle
Orson Pratt led the opposition.

Finally on December 5, 1847, Brigham Young prevailed. After a five hour
meeting, the apostles voted unanimously that Young and two other apostles be set
aside to comprise a separate First Presidency. Brigham chose as counselors,
Heber C. Kimball and Willard Richards. Subsequently, at a conference on
December 27, 1847, the Saints at Winter Quarters sustained the formation of the
new First Presidency.2

Brigham Young never claimed to be the successor of Joseph Smith as
prophet. He always maintained that he was president of the church by virtue of
his position as senior apostle. Although the First Presidency was administratively
autonomous, in reality its rule under Brigham Young and all subsequent LDS
presidents has been a specialized extension of the rule of the Twelve: an
"apostolic presidency." Down to the present day, when an LDS president dies, rule
devolves upon the whole Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, which then designates
its senior member as the new head of the church.3

In 1848, Brigham Young and many more companies of Saints left Winter
Quarters for the basin of the Great Salt Lake. Emigration from "Kanesville" (as
Council Bluffs was then known) continued for years, augmented by converts from
Europe and the eastern states, who used this as their point of departure for the
difficult western trek.

In Utah, a provisional government, the State of Deseret, was organized.
The Mexican War, with the subsequent settlement in the Treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo had upset the Mormon plans for an autonomous Zion in the Mountains.
Deseret found itself within the boundaries of the United States. Nominal federal
authority was asserted with the formation of Utah Territory, with greatly reduced
boundaries from those of "Deseret." But U.S. authority was tenuous in the early
days, and for years the Mormon theocracy operated as a state within a state.

Plural marriage was practiced openly in Utah. Outside of Utah, Mormon
spokesmen denied its existence, despite widespread rumors of its practice,
including exposes by disaffected Mormons and reports of federal officials. The
most famous denial was made by Apostle John Taylor, in 1850, during a debate
with some Protestant clergymen in Boulogne, France. "We are accused here of
polygamy," said Taylor, himself long a pluralist, "and actions the most indelicate,
obscene, and disgusting, such that none but a corrupt and depraved heart could
have contrived. These things are too outrageous to admit of belief." Finally,
however, further denials proved futile, and plural marriage was acknowledged.4

On August 29, 1852, Brigham Young published to the world the revelation
on celestial marriage, dated July 12, 1843. A special conference was held at the
(old) Tabernacle in Salt Lake City. Young nominated Orson Pratt to preach the
first public discourse in defense of celestial marriage. Then, that afternoon,
while the sacrament was being distributed, Brigham himself delivered a discourse
upon the subject. In it he gave some of the history of the revelation:

The original copy of this revelation was burnt up. William Clayton was
the man who wrote it from the mouth of the Prophet. In the meantime
it was in Bishop Whitney's possession. He wished the privilege to copy it,
which Brother Joseph granted. Sister Emma burnt the original. The
reason I mention this, is because that the people who did know of the
revelation, suppose it is not now in existence. The revelation will be
read to you. The principle spoken upon by Brother Pratt, this morning,

we believe in. And I tell you—for I know it—it will sail over and ride
triumphantly above all the prejudice and priestcraft of the day: it will
be fostered and believed in by the more intelligent portions of the world,
as one of the best doctrines ever proclaimed to any people. Your hearts
need not beat; you need not think that a mob is coming here to tread
upon the sacred liberty which the Constitution of our country guarantees
unto us, for it will not be. . . . One of the Senators in Congress knew it
very well. Did he oppose it? No; But he has been our friend all the day
long, especially upon that subject. . . . Many others are of the same
mind; they are not ignorant of what we are doing in our social capacity.
They have cried out, "Proclaim it;" but it would not do a few years ago;
everything must come in its time, as there is a time to all things. I am
now ready to proclaim it. This revelation has been in my possession
many years; and who has known it? I keep a patent lock on my desk, and
there does not anything leak out that should not.5

The Millennial Star, the church's official paper in Great Britain, published
the text of the revelation in its first number for 1853. Orson Pratt was
dispatched to Washington, D.C. to begin publication of The Seer. For two years,
Elder Pratt served the difficult role of apologist for plural marriage in the
national capital. John Taylor was sent on a similar mission to New York City,
where he published The Mormon. Orson Spencer published a pamphlet on the
Patriarchal Order of Marriage, and Parley P. Pratt weighed in with an effort
entitled, Marriage and Morals in Utah. These apologetic efforts did little to
counteract the growing tide of anti-Mormon sentiment, however. For decades
sexual license and Mormonism were to be linked in the popular imagination.

Factional Developments

At the time of the announcement of the revelation of plural marriage, in
1852, there were thousands of Mormons in Utah. Under the leadership of Brigham
Young, a distinctively Mormon society was being created in the wilderness.
Temples were planned, endowments were performed, the church's organization
was functioning, and a large missionary force was in the field.

Out of the confusion of 1844, a variety of contenders for the fallen
prophet's mantle had emerged. One by one, they proved themselves unable to lead
the church. Some of the Saints scattered through the United States followed one
factional leader and then another, only to be disappointed again and again. Others
withdrew from organized religion. Still others joined one of the Protestant
churches. Others continued to hope that some day the church would again be
organized in what they viewed as the proper manner.

These rival Latter Day Saint organizations included Sidney Rigdon's Church
of Christ. For a brief time it threatened to become a serious rival to the
leadership of the Twelve, but it soon began unraveling due to Rigdon's erratic
leadership.

James J. Strang's church at its peak of prosperity numbered over three
thousand members. However, Strang's secret introduction of polygamy, his
coronation as King on July 8, 1850, his settlement on isolated Beaver Island, his
political imbroglios with neighboring Gentiles, his poor judgment in selecting
associates, and the too obviously fraudulent nature of some of his claims
circumscribed and eventually doomed his movement. He was mortally wounded by
an assassin on June 16, 1856, and steadfastly refused to name a successor, despite
the importunities of his followers. Upon his death, only a handful remained true
to the Strangite legacy.

Smaller Latter Day Saint factions were lead by Alpheus Cutler, Charles B.
Thompson, James C. Brewster, and others. None of these groups, however,
proved a lasting threat to Brigham Young's leadership of the Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints.6

Two of these splinter movements were of particular importance to Joseph
Smith Ill's personal history, despite their ephemeral character. In the years prior
to 1853, both Lyman Wight's and William Smith's ecclesiastical organizations
promulgated the doctrine of lineal succession in the priesthood and taught their
followers to look for the day when "Young Joseph" would assume his father's
office. Unbeknownst to Joseph Smith III, seeds were being planted which
eventually would lead to his assuming the presidency of a rival to the polygamous
church in Utah.

Lyman Wight's Colony in Texas

Lyman Wight was the junior member of the Quorum of Twelve Apostles, at
the time of the prophet's death. The "Wild Ram of the Mountains," as he was
nicknamed, had been a member of the secret Council of Fifty. Before Joseph
Smith's death, the council had discussed various locations to which the church
might remove to escape its troubles in Nauvoo. One possible location was Texas-
then not a part of the United States—and Wight had been commissioned to
establish a colony there. After June 27, 1844, Wight tenaciously insisted that he
must fulfill this mission, and that the rest of the Twelve had no right to
countermand an order from the late prophet. Eventually he led a hearty band of
followers into the wilds of the Texas frontier.7

Wight held to several different theories of succession, during the course of
his career. Initially, he supported the Twelve (of which he was a member), until
he was asked to depart from his mission to Texas. Then he maintained that the
Council of Fifty had the right to reorganize the church. In 1849 and 1850 he
entered into an ecclesiastical alliance with William Smith, acknowledging William
as interim successor to the prophet. But all these he regarded as interim
measures until Joseph Smith III should finally succeed his father, by patrilineal
right.8
For some years, the Twelve held out hope that he would weary of his
pioneering in Texas and rejoin the Saints in Utah. However, when he published a
pamphlet highly critical of Brigham Young and the Twelve in 1848, he was
excommunicated.9

Lyman Wight sincerely believed that Joseph Smith III was the proper
successor to his late father. Whether he would have continued to support the
claims of Young Joseph, if the young man had claimed the presidency of the
church and ordered Wight to leave Texas is another matter. Wight was pursuing a
policy of "ecclesiastical solipsism."10 If the authority he theoretically adhered to
had, in practice, countermanded his own stubbornly-held plans, it would have been
an interesting conflict. Lyman Wight was willing to acknowledge William Smith
as interim president of the church, as a member of the Smith family, but always
maintained that the right finally belonged to Joseph Smith III.11

Of all the advocates of the "lineal rights" of Joseph Smith III, Lyman
Wight's beliefs possessed the deepest theological roots. As already noted, he had
witnessed Joseph Smith, Jr.'s blessing of Joseph Smith III in Liberty Jail. But his
beliefs went beyond loyalty to a designation by the late prophet. He believed that
lineal succession of Joseph's son was based on events in the cosmic past. The
Smith family, he held, was called in heaven, before the foundations of the world,
to carry out the work of the seventh and last dispensation of God on earth. Each
member had been chosen specially to be born into that mortal family, to carry out
a particular appointed mission. According to Lyman Wight's understanding, lineal
succession was no arbitrary principle. God designated worthy spirits to be born
into leading priestly families to carry out essential ministries in this seventh, and
last, dispensation. 12 On November 5, 1849, when choosing eight apostles, he
chose men whom he claimed were "of the pure blood of Joseph, who was sold into
Egypt, without the amalgamation of blood; [who] saw and heard the ordination of
Br. Joseph before the foundation of the world was laid, and the instructions that
were given him. I should be utterly opposed to any other lineage standing with the
Twelve." 13

After the breakup of William Smith's church, Lyman Wight's pioneer colony
continued its life in the wilds of Texas. In his own way, Wight was stubbornly
loyal to the teachings of Joseph Smith. He initiated endowment ceremonies in a
primitive temple, practiced a limited form of polygamy, lived communistically in
a manner reminiscent of earlier Mormon experiments, remained loyal to the
teaching concerning succession he received from the prophet's lips, and stubbornly
insisted on fulfilling a mission given him by Joseph Smith, long after the reasons
for carrying it out had ceased to exist. But when Wight died in 1858, his colony
broke up. Some of his followers joined the Utah Church; some joined the
Reorganized Church; and some joined no church at all. 14

Lyman Wight was, in many respects, a lone "voice crying in the
wilderness." He left no disciples. But his legacy helps us to understand the
reasons for the persistent continuation, among Latter Day Saints, of the idea that
one of Joseph Smith's sons must succeed him in the presidency of the church.

William Smith

By the spring of 1847, William Smith and James J. Strang had fallen out
with one another. William had not received the full patriarchal dignity to which
he felt entitled. He had concluded that the luminous spiritual manifestations at
Strang's endowments were fakery produced with oil and phosphorus. Strang, for
his part, was informed of William's continued sexual escapades. William Smith
was placed on trial for adultery in the spring and was excommunicated at the
conference of October 1847. He was not alone. John C. Bennett, William
McLellin, James M. Adams, and John Greenhow—all prominent Strangites—
suffered the same fate at the fall conference.15

In June 1847, William made overtures to Brigham Young and the Twelve, to
see if he might be received back into fellowship. Unhappy with the replies, he
concluded to go his own way again. 16

By the end of 1847, he was denouncing both Strang and Young and
attempting to form his own ecclesiastical organization. He designated Palestine,
Lee County, Illinois, as a temporary locale to which his followers should gather.
Smith loyalists acted as agents in various eastern cities. William established
himself as both patriarch and interim president of the church. For several years
he enjoyed modest success, until knowledge of his clandestine practice of
polygamy became common knowledge among his followers in the early 1850’s.

Emma Smith Bidamon and her children had nothing to do with William
Smith's activities during this time. There is no record that his three sisters—
Sophronia, Lucy, and Katharine—actively supported him after his rupture with
Strang. Lucy Mack Smith, his mother, returned from Knoxville to Nauvoo, to
spend her declining years in as much peace as possible. 17

Despite only marginal support from the rest of the family, William Smith's
activities proved important to Joseph Smith Ill's future, because it was at this
time that he began to articulate more clearly the theological basis for his claims:
the doctrine of lineal succession in the priesthood. This doctrine survived the
wreckage of William Smith's organization and formed one of the foundations upon
which the fledgling Reorganized Church was built.

Before joining Strang, William had set forth his lineal claims to leadership
in general terms. Now he became much more explicit. In A Revelation Given to
William Smith, in 1847, on the Apostacy of the Church and the Pruning of the
Vineyard of the Lord, he set forth his basic axioms. The Lord is reported to have
told William:

I said unto my servant Joseph that his blessing should remain upon the
head of his posterity, and be handed down through the lineage of his
father's house according to the flesh; therefore the true Church
continueth with this priesthood—that same high-priesthood with which
thou art invested and to which thou hast been ordained by my servant
Joseph, thy brother, and which thou dost inherit by lineage from thy
father Joseph Smith, jr., who was a descendant of Joseph the son of
Jacob who was sold into Egypt; and no power on earth can deprive thee
of thy authority and priesthood. . . . and thou shall be the Prophet,
Seer[,] Revelator, and Translator unto my church during the minority of
him whom I have appointed from the loins of Joseph thy brother ....
Now let the elders understand the true order of Heaven, for the kingdom
cannot be perfect without a president of the high-priesthood, inherited
by lineal descent ... .18

A paper, the Melchisedek and Aaronic Herald, was established in 1849 to
advance the claims of William Smith. It was published in Covington, Kentucky, by
Isaac Sheen, a British convert who rejected the rule of Brigham Young and
polygamy. One of the paper's principal themes was lineal succession in the
priesthood. A sample of the publication's tenor may be seen in William Smith's
letter to the editor, published in the second number. After commending Isaac
Sheen for his correct understanding of the doctrine of lineal priesthood, William
continued:

This doctrine of a lineal priesthood was so universally taught and
believed by the church, that there was not a single individual member
but what looked towards the Smith family (this family being first called)
to continue their lead at the head of the church; until the plan was
conceived of by either Brigham or his associate council in the spring and
summer of 1845, to seize hold on the throne of the presidency, which was
done at the same time and maintained at all hazzards, as they said they
would do right or wrong. 19

William Smith continued by observing that Brigham Young and the Twelve freely
acknowledged his (William's) right to the office of Patriarch to the whole church,
as a legal right by descent, "until the work of usurpation commenced," in 1845.
William Smith's polemical stance emphasized his rights, as a Smith, and the
violation of those rights by Brigham Young and the Twelve. Those factors (other
than Brigham Young's desire to "usurp" power) which led to William's falling out
with the Twelve and his eventual excommunication were passed over in silence.
Isaac Sheen began delving into Latter Day Saint scriptures, to discover
what justification might be found in them for the doctrine of lineal succession in
the priesthood. He found a great deal.

He searched the Book of Mormon "to find what testimony it contains
concerning the lineal rights of those who stood at the head of the Nephites, and
who held the records and sacred things, and handed them down from age to age."
This investigation showed that "(except in three instances) the plates, &c., were
handed down from father to son, or from brother to brother, from Nephi to Moroni
who hid them in the earth." These holders of the plates, "are frequently called
high priests over the church," and at one point are styled "seers holding the
interpreters or Urim and Thummim." The inference for Isaac Sheen and his
readers would be plain enough: if the prophetic and presidential offices in the
Nephite Church descended on a lineal basis, the same should hold true in the
Latter Day Church. He noted with particular interest an instance in Nephite
history in which the priesthood was handed down from brother to brother,
"somewhat analogous to the present circumstances in which the church is placed."

... it appears that Helaman died, and Shiblon his brother took possession
of the sacred things, although Helaman had a son named Helaman.
Shiblon held them three years and conferred them upon his nephew
Helaman and died. It appears probable that his nephew was a minor
when his father died.

Again, Latter Day Saints reading Sheen's comments could not fail to see the
desired application: Joseph Smith, Jr.'s presiding office eventually should be
passed on to his minor son, Joseph III, and in the interim William Smith (brother to
the slain prophet) should preside.20

The Melchisedek and Aaronic Herald directed its fire not only against
Brighamite "usurpation," but against that of James J. Strang as well. Isaac Sheen
argued that the letter of appointment which Strang claimed to have received from
Joseph Smith, Jr., shortly before the prophet's death, was fraudulent. Further-
more, such an appointment, he reasoned, would have violated the law of lineal
succession:

That there was to be another appointed to receive revelations for
the church we do not deny, but this appointment must be in strict
conformity to the law of lineage which belongs to the presidency of the

church of God. It is beyond the power of Strang or B. Young or any other
imposter to take the birth-right from the tribe of Joseph, or disannul the
lineal rights of the Smith family. Strang admits in his forged letter that
Joseph is the Shepherd the Stone of Israel. Did not Jacob also predict
that the Shepherd the Stone of Israel would come from the tribe of
Joseph? We have yet to learn that Strang or any other usurper makes
any pretensions to be of the tribe of Joseph much less to inherit any
right to the presidency, by lineage.

Was not the birth-right conferred upon that tribe by an unchangeable decree?
Was not the blessing conferred upon the tribe of Joseph,
that from that tribe should be raised up the Shepherd the Stone of Israel,
because that tribe possessed peculiar, lineal rights?

What has the tribe of Joseph done that the birth-right can be taken
away from it?

Did not the Prophet Joseph receive his appointment as prophet and
seer as a lineal descent from Joseph the son of Jacob? What has the
Smith family done that they are to be cast off?

What has Brother William Smith done that his claim as the lineal
successor of his brother is rejected?

Is it because he has manfully defended and demonstrated his right to
that office? Until young Joseph or some one of the posterity of Joseph
the Prophet come forward and claim their right to the presidency it is
his indisputable right to stand in that office. No man that knows any
thing about lineal rights can for a moment justly oppose this position.

If all the members but one in the Smith family had so awfully
transgressed as to forfeit their birth-right, still that would not disin-
herit the last male member of that family who had not forfeited his
birth-right.

The transgression of Esau did not disinherit Jacob. What was the
transgression of Esau? Was it for contending for his birth-right? Surely
it was for esteeming a mess of pottage more than his birth-right. When
Reuben transgressed and lost his birth-right, it could not be taken from
the family of Jacob, because this birth-right was an hereditary right that
Jacob had inherited from his fathers, therefore it was retained in the
family and placed upon the head of Joseph.

It was therefore a lineal right pertaining to the tribe of
Joseph that from thence should the Shepherd the Stone of Israel be
raised up. . .
.
In accordance with this lineal order the following revelation was
given to the Prophet Joseph:

"Thus saith the Lord unto you, with whom the priesthood hath
continued through the lineage of your fathers, for ye are lawful heirs
according to the flesh, and have been hid from the world with Christ in
God:--therefore your life and the priesthood hath remained and must
needs remain through you and your lineage until the restoration of all
things spoken by the mouths of all the holy prophets since the world
began." ....

Those who are unacquainted with the testimony that the Prophet
Joseph was of the tribe of Joseph will find it clearly set forth in the
Book of Mormon ... .
21

William Smith was in the process of formalizing a merger of his
organization with that of Lyman Wight, in the spring of 1850, when his church
began to disintegrate. Editor Isaac Sheen withdrew from fellowship with him over
the issue of clandestine polygamy. Sheen wrote an angry letter to the editor of
the Cincinnati Daily Commercial, explaining that William was "a hypocritical
libertine," whose professed hostility to polygamy was a sham. Sheen reported that
on April 18, 1850, William had thrown off his mask and claimed the "right to raise
up posterity from other men's wives." This was not all:

He said that the Salt Lake Mormons had no authority to do such things,
but that the authority belonged to him, and that I might have the same
privilege. He offered me his wife on the same terms that he claimed a
partnership in other men's wives.

Sheen reacted with indignation, telling him that their fellowship with one another
was at an end, and that he considered the proposal "damnable iniquity." To clinch
his argument he concluded by quoting from "Wm. Smith's Fornication Letter," in
which William argued that there were two types of marriage, those covenanted
according to the law of God and those contracted according to the law of man.
Only those marriages sealed according to the authority of divine priesthood were
binding, argued William. It was no crime to take another to wife who had been
unequally yoked to a man by mere human authority. When this letter became
common knowledge among William's followers in Covington, Kentucky, his
organization there collapsed.22

A similar fate befell his organization in northern Illinois and southern
Wisconsin. Although his stake at Covington had collapsed, William Smith
continued to enjoy success a while longer at his stake in Palestine, Illinois. He
succeeded in converting some Strangite branches in northern Illinois and southern
Wisconsin to his cause. Part of his appeal was the way his doctrine of "lineal
priesthood" cut through all the underbrush of contention among the many
contenders to the presidency of the church. One of his followers recalled:

This principle, though pretty clearly shown in the books, had been almost
entirely overlooked, or forgotten by the Saints; but when their attention
was thus called to it, many at once received it as the solution of the
question of "Presidency."23

Part of his appeal lay in his strong denunciation of polygamy.24 But in 1851 word
began to spread among the faithful in Illinois and Wisconsin that William Smith
and some of his associates believed in the principle of plural marriage and
secretly practiced it. Finally, in October 1851, the secret was openly
acknowledged to a group of elders. One of them recalled: ". . . at a conference
held at Palestine, in October 6th of that year, (1851), they threw off the mask, in
a council called to Priests' Lodge, and confessed to the belief and practice of
polygamy in the name of the Lord."25 This caused another hemorrhage of
followers, just as it had at Covington, Kentucky. William Smith's movement
foundered upon the rocks of polygamy and never recovered.

Little is known of William Smith's movements through the rest of the
1850s. During the Civil War he served in the Union Army. Then he settled in
Clayton County, Iowa, where he farmed. In 1878, after some intricate
negotiations, he joined the Reorganized Church and spent his last years stoutly
denouncing polygamy!

But the wreckage of William Smith's organization did not spell the end of
his teachings. William Smith's teachings—minus the erratic William Smith—
formed the nucleus for what came to be known as the "New Organization" or,
somewhat later, the "Reorganization."

Nucleus of the Reorganization

Jason W. Briggs presided over a branch at Beloit, Wisconsin. Previously a
follower of James J. Strang, he had been delighted with William Smith's teachings
and had brought the Beloit branch into William's fold. The discovery that the
shepherd was a polygamous wolf in sheep's clothing left him in emotional
consternation. How could such truth be mixed with such error? How could the
manifestation of so many spiritual gifts coexist with immorality? How could such
light be mingled with such darkness? Briggs turned to God "in fervent and
continued prayer" for answers to his dilemmas. Finally the answer he had sought
came to him on November 18, 1851. He experienced a revelation:

. . . the Spirit of the Lord said unto me, 'Verily, verily, saith the Lord,
even Jesus Christ, unto his servant, Jason W. Briggs, concerning the
church:—Behold, I have not cast off my people; neither have I changed in
regard to Zion. . . . Wolves have entered into the flock, and who shall
deliver them? Where is he that giveth his life for the flock? Behold, I
will judge those who call themselves shepherds, and have preyed upon the
flock of my pastures. And because you have asked me in faith
concerning William Smith, this is the answer of the Lord thy God
concerning him. I, the Lord, have permitted him to represent the
rightful heir to the presidency of the high priesthood of my Church by
reason of the faith and prayers of his father, and his brothers, Joseph and
Hyrum Smith, which came up before me in his behalf; and to respect the
law of lineage, by which the holy priesthood is transmitted, in all
generations, when organized into quorums. And the keys which were
taught him by my servant Joseph were of me, that I might prove him
therewith. And for this reason have I poured out my Spirit through his
ministrations, according to the integrity of those who received them.

But, continued the revelation, William had despised his birthright, transgressed
God's laws, and forfeited his rights in the church by running "greedily in the way
of adultery." The elders were instructed to go about their business of preaching
the gospel, and "in mine own due time will I call upon the seed of Joseph Smith,
and will bring one forth, and he shall preside over the high priesthood of my
Church . . . ." The elders were instructed to denounce William Smith's so-called
"celestial law," which was really the "doctrine of Baalam." Jason W. Briggs'
revelation concluded:

And the Spirit said unto me, Write, write, writes—write the revelation
and send it unto the Saints at Palestine, and at Voree, and at Waukesha,
and to all places where this doctrine is taught as my law;—and
whomsoever will humble themselves before me, and ask of me, shall
receive of my Spirit a testimony that these words are of me. Even so,
Amen.26

All of the branches in northern Illinois and southern Wisconsin which
formerly acknowledged William Smith's interim presidency over the church threw
off his yoke. But they were not so quick to endorse Jason W. Briggs' revelation,
for the Doctrine and Covenants prohibited anyone from receiving a revelation for
the whole church other than the church's president. This hesitancy eventually was
overcome through the argument that since there was no president of the church,
it was not illegal for another to receive a revelation.27

By the spring of 1852, enough of the Saints in Illinois and Wisconsin had
accepted Briggs' message that a conference was called, which finally met on June
12 and 13, 1852, in Beloit, Wisconsin. On the second day of the conference, a set
of resolutions was adopted which formed the foundation of a new church
organization. To begin with, the question of ecclesiastical organization was
addressed:

Resolved, That this Conference regard the pretentions of Brigham
Young, James J. Strang, James Collen Brewster, and William Smith and
Joseph Wood's joint claims to the leadership of the Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter Day Saints, as an assumption of power, in violation of
the law of God; and consequently we disclaim all connection and
fellowship with them.

Resolved, That the successor of Joseph Smith, Junior, as the
Presiding High Priest in the Melchisedec Priesthood, must of necessity
be of the seed of Joseph Smith, Junior, in fulfillment of the law and
promises of God.28

Additional resolutions filled out the ecclesiological platform of the New
Organization: the church was held to exist wherever six or more Saints were
organized into a branch according to the pattern in the Doctrine and Covenants,
and the question of whom among the factions had the right to ordain men to
offices in the priesthood was deferred by agreeing to recognize "all legal
ordinations." This represented an interesting departure in Latter Day Saint
history. William Smith's theory of succession was taken up, but applied with more
consistency to the prophet's son rather than to his brother. At one stroke, all
claimants to the prophetic mantle were excluded from consideration except the
seed of the prophet. The vexing gordian knot of succession was severed. But
while this solved one problem, it created another, because no son of the prophet
actually occupied the presidency of the New Organization. Could an organization
without a presiding high priest claim to be the true church? A prophetless church
was on anomaly in Latter Day Saint ecclesiastical polity. The immediate solution
was a theory of diffused authority, in some ways analogous to Protestant
ecclesiology. Rather than all authority filtering down from the living head of the
church, all members of the priesthood could exercise their authority
independently when there was no president. Individual Saints could and ought to
organize into branches and go about the business of preaching the gospel, despite
the temporary vacancy in the presidency.29

The conference also established the doctrinal basis for the church. The
"whole law of the Church" was declared to be "contained" in the Bible, Book of
Mormon, and the Book of Doctrine and Covenants.30 The Saints attending the
Beloit conference did not include any of Joseph Smith's intimate disciples. The
doctrinal platform which they erected was built upon the foundation of his
published works. The great bulk of Joseph Smith's canonized writings antedated
the Nauvoo period. During the Nauvoo period, Joseph Smith depended less and
less upon canonized revelations and increasingly resorted to teaching the
"mysteries of the kingdom" orally to a trusted circle of disciples. Many of those
esoteric teachings had been incorporated into James J. Strang's and William
Smith's organizations, and were the very features against which the Reorganites
reacted in disgust, never imagining that they had their source in Joseph Smith, Jr.
Therefore, by establishing the written scriptures of the church as its
doctrinal basis, the New Organization, without realizing it, turned its back on
Joseph Smith's Nauvoo teachings. Its theology would come to emphasize those
themes which had been prevalent during the middle period of Joseph Smith's
career, roughly 1833 to 1838.31 This was not a result of a deliberately conceived
policy. With no prophet at their head, it was natural to emphasize the written
oracles.

The conference appointed a committee, consisting of Elders Jason W.
Briggs, Zenos H. Gurley, Sr., and John Harrington, to write a pamphlet setting
forth the platform of the New Organization. By the time the next conference
met, in October, the committee had prepared a manuscript. The conference
approved the manuscript and ordered two thousand copies printed.32 Before it
was printed, however, an issue of Orson Pratt's The Seer reached the fledgling
New Organization, with word of the conference in Salt Lake City, August 29,
1852. In light of this acknowledgement of polygamy, it was deemed important to
append a denunciation of polygamy to the pamphlet.33 This was done, and A Word
of Consolation to the Scattered Saints was published early in 1853. It argued that
the church in Nauvoo had fallen into wickedness and that God had therefore
rejected the church, that the martyrdom of the prophet and patriarch were signs
of this rejection, and that the right to preside in the church belonged to the next
highest authority after the president. The next highest authority—a counselor to
the president, or the president of the Twelve Apostles—should have stepped in as
an interim head of the church, but instead, one grasping aspirant after another
had tried to seize power which did not belong to him. Brigham Young's
assumption of the presidency was a coup d'etat. The Mormon scriptures, it was
argued at great length, established the principle of lineal succession in the
priesthood, and therefore one of the sons of the prophet should lead the church.
All others were usurpers. 34

The condemnation of polygamy was unequivocal. "We cannot forego this
opportunity to raise our voice against an evil which has well nigh completed the
overthrow of the Church—which Sampson like hath lain hold upon the very pillars
of society." The systems of Brigham Young, James J. Strang, and William Smith
were all attacked. Scriptural arguments were adduced against the practice, with
a warning to "deceivers, and deceived together," that transgression would reap the
whirlwind of divine judgment.35

A comparison of A Word of Consolation to the Scattered Saints with Isaac
Sheen's writings in the Melchisedek and Aaronic Herald demonstrates a direct line
of continuity between the two. William Smith's organization collapsed, but his
public teachings survived in the Reorganization, except that in the New
Organization, the regent William was to be replaced with a crown prince of the
royal blood.

There was still the problem of how to organize a hierarchical church, in the
absence of the highest members of the hierarchy. This was resolved at a
conference in April 1853, amidst great manifestations of spiritual gifts which
persuaded the Saints that their actions were approved by God. The offices of the
hierarchy were partially filled, including seven Apostles and twenty Seventies.
Jason W. Briggs was chosen president of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, and
president pro tern of the church, in the absence of the prophet's son and heir. This
conference at Zarahemla, Wisconsin can be seen as the founding conference of the
Reorganization. Those present did not consider that they had founded a new
church. They held that the church had become disorganized in 1844, under divine
judgment, and that they were simply reorganizing the priesthood quorums under
divine revelation and approbation. They were careful not to usurp the
prerogatives of the vacant presidency.36

At first the Reorganization's growth was slow. As the 1850s neared their
end, however, the rate of growth increased. Other rivals to the Utah church were
collapsing, and the Reorganization, virtually by default, became the only logical
alternative for Saints who could not accept the leadership and teachings of
Brigham Young;

"With James J. Strang's death in 1856, the collapse of Rigdon's movement,
the illness of Alpheus Cutler, Lyman Wight's death in 1858, revolt among
the followers of C. B. Thompson from 1855 on, and disaffections in Utah
as well as anti-Utah Mormon sentiment developing in the United States
the "field was white and ready for harvest."37

There was only one problem. Joseph Smith III displayed no interest in
accepting the office proffered him by the Reorganization. Initial feelers were
rejected by him. A church was built up for seven years, on the platform that a
son of the prophet was its proper leader. All the while Joseph Smith III remained
in isolation and apparent indifference to these developments. Nevertheless the
band of Reorganized Latter Day Saints waited, preached, sent out missionaries,
and prayed.

Religious Crisis

Developments of two different sorts were converging to create a religious
crisis for Joseph Smith III. On one hand, many Saints expected him to take up his
father's work. His relatives in Utah wished that he would join them. Brigham
Young had intimated that he would some day lead that church. Some old
Nauvooans remembered that his father said he was to be the president of the
church. Other Mormons simply expected this on the basis of others' testimony.
Various factions hoped Joseph Smith III would join them. And the Reorganization
actually held its presidency vacant, waiting for him to occupy it. As he entered
his majority, he could not escape their questions and entreaties. These external
forces were contributing factors in a great religious crisis in 1853.

On the other hand, a tension was growing within his own soul: "the great
questions of life began pressing upon him for solution, and the platform upon
which he would stand and make his mark in the world, questions that every young
man or woman must ultimately examine for themselves and determine what
course they will pursue, were presented to him."38 He was approaching his
majority. What direction would he take in terms of vocation and religion? He had
explored a number of religious options and rejected them, including evangelical
Protestantism, free-thinking, universalism, and Spiritualism. But what of the
baptism of his youth, the faith for which his father died, and the church which
paternal blessing foretold he would one day lead? A series of events soon
awakened the long dormant question of his relationship to his father's religion.

I. First confrontation over polygamy. There was, as yet, no telegraph
linking Utah with the United States. It took time for news to travel from Salt
Lake City to the east. It is unknown when Joseph Smith III first learned of the
announcement of the revelation on polygamy. Whatever the exact date, he
definitely spoke about it with Utah Elder William Walker, when the latter passed
through Nauvoo in November 1852, on a missionary journey to the Cape Colony.39

Walker was then thirty-two years old. He was an old friend of the Smith
family. He, his brother Lorin, and his sister Lucy all had lived and worked in the
Mansion House during Nauvoo's halcyon days. In addition, Lorin had married
Hyrum Smith's daughter, Lovira, and Lucy had been a secret plural wife of Joseph
Smith, Jr. William naturally came calling, while passing through Nauvoo, on his
way to the east coast.40

During the course of conversation, the topic of polygamy arose. The
doctrine was now public knowledge. William Walker upheld the doctrine, while
the prophet's son denied it. He later termed this his "first serious disagreement
about polygamy."41 No extensive record of this conversation exists, but William
Walker told Joseph that the prophet both taught and practiced plural marriage.
Joseph emphatically told William that it was a lie, "unqualifiedly a lie."42 One
may well imagine William claiming his sister Lucy Walker had married Joseph
Smith, Jr., and Joseph Smith III vehemently denying the suggestion.43

Joseph Smith III was now confronted with an unpleasant dilemma, one
which would stalk him for the rest of his life. He himself had no first-hand
knowledge of plural marriage. He had never conversed with his mother upon the
subject, for the topic was extremely distasteful to her.44 He knew, however, that
she regarded polygamy as perniciously wicked. His own moral upbringing was such
that the thought of plural marriage was obnoxious to him. Yet here was an elder
who claimed that the hitherto denied dogma was being practiced in Utah, and that
the practice was based upon a revelation received by his father. This clashed with
Joseph's cherished memories of his father as a good and decent man. There were
only three logical possibilities: (I) The prophet really received the revelation on
polygamy, and it was a righteous principle. This would mean that Joseph's own
ethical beliefs would require a major readjustment. (2) The prophet really
practiced polygamy, but it was a false revelation or a cloak for immorality. This
would mean that Joseph's beliefs about his father would have to undergo
substantial and painful change. (3) The prophet never sanctioned polygamy, and
the "revelation" was a later invention cunningly attributed to him, to lend
authority to a wicked practice. This would mean that Brigham Young and the
leaders of the church in Utah were both immoral and deceitful men.

Joseph instinctively adopted the third possibility, the one which required no
change in his moral convictions and no change in his view of his father. But what
of the assertions of those former Nauvooans older than himself, who claimed
personal knowledge of the prophet's teaching and practice of plural marriage?
How could their testimony be reconciled with his convictions? Somehow the
dilemma must be resolved, but how?

2. Conversation with a Mormon immigrant. In 1853, there was a large
immigration to Utah. Many of the immigrants camped at Keokuk, Iowa, twelve
miles below Nauvoo on the Mississippi. Naturally enough, some of the immigrants
at Keokuk took the opportunity to visit Nauvoo. One of them fell into a long
conversation with Young Joseph, now only months away from reaching his
majority, respecting Mormonism.

I had talked with many upon the matter; but had never taken the subject
into very earnest consideration. This person urged that I was possibly
doing a great wrong in allowing the years to pass by unimproved. I
stated to him that I was ready to do any work that might fall to my lot,
or that I might be called to do. I had no fellowship with the leadership in
the Salt Lake church, and could not then give my sanction to things
there; my prejudices were against them.45

Here was a further seed of conflict planted in Joseph's mind. He was approaching
the time when life-decisions could no longer be deferred. A series of existential
tensions begged for resolution. He had learned to coexist among Gentiles, to
whom his father's religion was anathema, yet he held his father in reverential
memory. Would he continue to avoid his religious birthright? He held the marital
arrangements then practiced in Utah in contempt, but was he thereby rejecting
his own father's teachings on the basis of prejudice? He had practical reasons for
hating Brigham Young and others among the leading elders in Utah, but was his
personal distaste alienating him from the true church into which he was baptized
and called to serve? And had not his father blessed him and designated him to
assume the presidency of the church? Had not various of the factional leaders
declared that theirs was an interim leadership, until such time as "Young Joseph"
should mature and assume his proper role? A seed had been planted. Additional
events soon caused it to germinate.

3. Conversation with Putnam Yates. Putnam Yates was the son of a
prominent Jack Mormon, Christopher E. Yates. He had crossed the plains to
California and had visited Salt Lake City and other parts of Utah. From
conversations with Mormons, he had concluded that Joseph would be well received
if he chose to go to Utah. Young Yates was on good terms with the prophet's son,
and the two of them frequently discussed aspects of Mormonism while working
together on the Smith farm. These friendly chats also served to awaken Joseph's
questions about his connection with the church in Utah.46

4. A severe fever. At the end of the long, hot harvest, Joseph fell ill with
a fever, "billious or intermittent fever" in the imprecise Antebellum medical
lexicon. In two week's time, he lost thirty-three pounds.47 This sickness was a
very dangerous one, and brought him close to death. For weeks afterward, while
recuperating, he was too weak to work. There was much time for reflection-
serious reflection. The twin questions of vocation and religion bore heavily upon
his mind. He had been reading law, under the supervision of a local lawyer named
William McLennan. Would he continue and make law his profession? He retained
a latent faith in the Mormon gospel, so far as he understood it. Would he ever
have anything to do with Mormonism, and if so, what?48

5. Spiritual manifestations during recuperation. Internal questioning now
combined with a severe illness. Joseph had come face to face with death. Under
the circumstances, religion occupied a foremost place in his thoughts. He went
through a severe struggle during his recuperation, which he later described:

After the crisis of my sickness had passed; and before getting upon my
feet convalescent, I studied in long and painstaking review and thought,
what my course of life should be. In this review, the question whether I
was not doing violence to my birthright, and losing my opportunity for
right choice of life, by not going to Utah and casting my fortunes with
the people there, was of frequent and persistent recurrence. I had no
means of deciding it within my reach known to me. After this had
continued for some time, I remembered that my father had made
application to Deity when pressed in a similar strait in his youth; and so I
thought I might be directed if I applied to the same source. I had been
baptized, was a member of the church, so far as baptism could make me
one, and had this additional right to ask for direction. I sought to God as
earnestly and devoutly as I could; told him that I was ready to do what
might be my duty. If to go west, cast my fortunes with the church there,
accept and adopt polygamy, or plural marri[a]ge, as a part of the
principles of the church, was a part of my duty I was ready to go. If it
was not to be my lot to have any part in the religion my father taught,
and duty led elsewhere, I would be content, if it should so be made
manifest by him whom I addressed. I asked further, that if Mormonism,
the faith of my father, was an error, the Book of Mormon a delusion and
a snare; the principles taught by the Church as the Gospel an imposition
and false, and it ... should so be shown me; I would be content; but if
the faith was true, the mission of my father authorized of God, and I had
anything to do in promulgating it, either soon or late, whenever it was so
made manifest I was ready to do as I should be directed. This prayer was
answered. I had not asked for any peculiar thing to transpire as a sign, I
only asked that whatever the manifestation was, it should be clear, and
of such a character that I should not make a mistake and thus jeopardize
my salvation and thrown away my life labor. When the answer came, I
was charged not to go west; not to unite with the church under Pres
Young, and to oppose polygamy, plural, or spiritual wifery. The
manifestation was to me clear, so far as the church in the Valleys was
concerned. My duty elsewhere was not pointed out until afterward, I was
simply to wait.47

One day, when recovery was assured, Joseph laid down to rest in his room.
After awakening, refreshed, with the window open to the south and the fresh
breeze sweeping in through the trees and half-closed blinds, he again turned over
the constantly recurring questions of religion and vocation.

... the room suddenly expanded and passed away. I saw stretched
out before me towns, cities, busy marts, court houses, courts and
assemblies of men, all busy and all marked by those characteristics that
are found in the world, where men win place and renown. This stayed
before my vision till I had noted clearly that choice of preferment here
was offered to him who would enter in, but who did so must go into the
busy whirl and be submerged by its din, bustle and confusion. In the
subtle transition of a dream I was gazing over a wide expanse of country
in a prairie land; no mountains were to be seen, but far as the eye could
reach, hill and dale, hamlet and village, farm and farm house, pleasant
cot and home-like place, everywhere betokening thrift, industry and the
pursuits of a happy peace were open to the view. I remarked to him
standing by me, but whose presence I had not before noticed, "This must
be the country of a happy people." To this he replied, "Which would you
prefer, life, success and renown among the busy scenes that you first
saw; or a place among these people, without honors or renown? Think of
it well, for the choice will be offered to you sooner or later, and you
must be prepared to decide. Your decision once made you can not recall
it, and must abide the result."50

As suddenly as it had come, the vision was gone. Joseph Smith III sat on his bed,
contemplating the idyllic beauty of the afternoon sun's rays shimmering upon the
Mississippi, glad to be alive. Thereafter he constantly kept the choice before him,
whether at work or at leisure. At length he would resolve the question.51 Several
points were implicit in this vision: (I) Eventually he would have to choose
whether or not to pursue worldly success. His legal studies might bring him
fortune, perhaps even high political position. But such success would be bought at
the cost of a frenetic life amidst the hustle and bustle of urban life. (2) He might
secure peace of soul and live among contented rural folk by foreswearing worldly
ambition. (3) Neither choice involved immigrating to Utah. The agrarian locale
was set in a prairie land which contained no mountains.52

At the end of 1853, Joseph resolved part of his dilemma, at least for the
moment. On the basis of prayer and spiritual manifestations, he felt it was not
his duty to go to Utah and unite with the church there. This conclusion was not
based upon study. It was reached after an intense period of internal struggle. He
was now content to await developments, to see what answers might come to the
rest of his questions, and whether they would come in similar fashion.

Maternal Influence

In confronting his spiritual crisis of 1853, Joseph Smith III did not consult
his mother. In later years, when Utah Mormons claimed that Emma Smith
Bidamon had "poisoned" his mind against them, he adamently denied that she had
determined his course:

This condition of mind antagonistic to Pres Young, especially to plural
marriage, has been charged by him, and others, ... to the influence of
my mother; whose teachings it is alleged were given to me with a view
to poison my mind against Pres Young. Whatever sins my mother may
have to answer for, the determination of my course religiously will not
be among them, if my course be finally found erroneous & wicked. . . .
The determination was the result of causes that my mother personally
had nothing to do with.53

Despite this denial, his mother's influence, albeit indirect, significantly
influenced Joseph's decision. When the Mormon artist Frederick Piercy visited
Nauvoo in November 1853, he drew the portraits of Lucy Mack Smith, David
Hyrum Smith, and Joseph Smith III. He explored Nauvoo, took sketches of
noteworthy scenes, and inquired about the town's history and circumstances.
During this time he had an opportunity to form an estimation of the Smiths. He
found the whole family had a reputation in the neighborhood for integrity and
industry. Of Joseph Smith III he wrote:

He is a young man of a most excellent disposition and considerable
intelligence. One prominent trait in his character is his affection for his
mother. I particularly noticed that his conduct towards her was always
most respectful and attentive.54

Values are conveyed by example as well as by spoken precept. His mother's
example spoke louder than a thousand words. She trained him to honor women and
to regard deviations from a strict code of sexual ethics with disgust. This deeply
rooted training eventually prevailed over any intellectual arguments about the
supposed propriety of Mormon polygamy.

Her religious beliefs, largely unspoken, were conveyed to her son also.
Like many other scattered Saints, Emma Smith Bidamon retained her faith in
Joseph Smith's prophetic mission, but found no immediate ecclesiastical home in
which to practice that faith. Her situation was exacerbated by her location, in
the midst of Anti-Mormons. Her position was even more anomalous than that of
other ecclesiastically homeless Saints, since she was the prophet's widow.
Reserved and cautious, she spoke but little of her religious convictions. Prudence,
bitterness, and sorrow all combined to keep her silent on matters religious. Only
within her own home was she willing to break this silence. In response to the
inquiries of her skeptically-minded second husband, Major Bidamon, she was
willing to relate various historical details concerning the coming forth of the Book
of Mormon, and her answers showed that she still believed in the supernatural
origin of that book.

With those few whom she felt she could trust, she spoke endearingly of her
late husband. With the publication of the revelation on celestial marriage, she
now faced increased curiosity about that unwelcome subject. She developed the
policy of abruptly terminating such inquiries by bluntly denying that her late
husband ever taught or practiced polygamy.

Of Brigham Young, she had nothing good to say. To one friend she said:

I was threatened by Brigham Young because I opposed and denounced his
measures and would not go west with them. At that time they did not
know where they were going themselves, but he told me that he would
yet bring me prostrate to his feet. My house was set on fire several
times, and one time wood was piled up at the side of the house and set
afire. . . . but I never had any fear that the house would burn down as
long as the Inspired Translation of the Bible was in it. I always felt safe
when it was in the house, for I knew it could not be destroyed.

If Saints would come to visit her, seeking her advise, she would always
counsel against going to Utah. She harbored the hope that a non-polygamous
church, under the leadership of someone other than Brigham Young would yet
arise, and while the Brighamites were gathering to the west, she counselled the

Saints to look not west (under Brigham Young's rule) or south (where the Saints
had been mobbed) but north, as a place of temporary refuge.

Her children received strict moral training. But Emma Smith Bidamon
spoke but little to them of the church. Policy and emotion combined in this
regard. She once reflected upon her reasons:

I have always avoided talking to my children about having anything to do
in the church, for I have suffered so much I have dreaded to have them
take any part in it. But I have always believed that if God wanted them
to do anything in the church, the same One who called their father would
make it known to them, and it was not necessary for me to talk to them
about it; but I never had confidence in Brigham Young, and Joseph did
not for some time before his death.55

By rejecting polygamy and the leadership of Brigham Young, Joseph Smith
III followed his mother's teaching and example, whether spoken or unspoken. In
his religious and vocational crisis, he did not turn to her for advise, but her
training nevertheless shaped his possible responses.

Overtures

Having reached his majority, various Saints recalled Joseph Smith Ill's
paternal blessing. While a minor, movements headed by George J. Adams, William
Smith, James J. Strang, and Lymon Wight had expressed the hope that he might
join them. His Mormon relatives in Utah still hoped that he would join them there
and eventually assume some role in the church's leadership. Now that he had
passed his twenty-first birthday, the overtures became more serious. The first
came from Jason W. Briggs.

A letter from Jason W. Briggs. On November 20, 1853, Jason W. Briggs
wrote a letter to Joseph, from Beloit, Wisconsin. "Unknown to me by sight," he
began, "I am nevertheless moved to address you . . . ." He went on to relate the
story of how he had been a Latter Day Saint for over thirteen years and had
sought for the proper principle of succession since the death of Joseph Smith, Jr.,
and how finally, in the winter of 1850-1851 he felt that he had discovered the
answer for which he had been searching, when he became acquainted with William
Smith's preaching concerning lineal succession:

... I recieved [sic] him as a leader by virtue of the law of lineage & yet
it was clear that, by that law he never could be the Successor of Joseph
his brother, but to obviate this he constantly pleaded the right to stand
as the Guardian of the real heir, which he admitted was yourself, but at
the same time endeavored to inculcate the idea that he was the
Successor of his brother Joseph in the 1st Presidency of the church & in
six months after my recieving him he threw off the reserve, which he
had maintained on that subject & openly avowed his rights to be, the only
legitimate Successor of Joseph .... In the mean time some seven or
eight Branches of the church had recieved him numbering several
hundred Saints, in this region. Togather with this self contradiction —
claiming himself by the law of lineage, what that law plainly gave to
another—there was teachings and practices by him which no man of God
ever taught or practiced without cursings[.]

This last phrase was a delicate allusion to the discovery of William Smith's
clandestine teaching and practice of polygamy. Briggs related how the discovery
had been a crushing emotional blow to him, how he had besought God what to do,
and how the answer finally had come in the form of a revelation. Among other
things, the revelation said that God had permitted William Smith "to represent the
rightful heir" to the church's presidency. William's iniquities had caused him to
forfeit his calling, and the elders were instructed to go about their business of
preaching the gospel until "in mine own due time" the Lord would "call upon the
Seed of Joseph Smith" to preside over the church. While waiting for Joseph Smith
III to respond to his calling, Briggs related how various Saints in Wisconsin had
thrown off fellowship with Strang and William Smith and had begun an embryonic
new organization, with the presidency left vacant, of course.56

The letter alluded to the fact that Jason W. Briggs previously had sent
Joseph Smith III and Emma Smith Bidamon a copy of A Word of Consolation to the
Scattered Saints. Apparently neither Joseph nor his mother responded to
this earlier communication. Likewise, there is no record of Joseph Smith Ill's
having responded to Briggs' letter of November 20, 1853. Outside forces might
impel him to consider his relationship with his father's work, but he would not act
until he had received internal evidence of his calling.

Letter from George A. Smith & John L. Smith. The obscure group of Saints
headed by Jason W. Briggs was not alone in wanting the prophet's son to join them.
His relatives in Salt Lake City earnestly hoped that he would emigrate there, now
that he had reached his majority. On June 24, 1854, George A. and John L. Smith
sent word that their father (Patriarch John Smith) and mother had passed away.
In the course of relaying this sad news, they informed Joseph that Salt Lake City
was growing, that work on the Salt Lake Temple had begun, and that they would
be very happy to see him there. They added that they were endeavoring to carry
out Joseph Smith, Jr.'s measures, and wished his son to join them:

. . . the people here are universaly endeavoring with all their might with
the President at their head, to carry out all the instructions councils &
plans given them by your father, & to roll on the work which he
commenced, to bear the fullness of the Gospel to all nations kindreds
tongues & people & gather the Saints, to Zion we know he was a true
Prophet of God & did reveal the true Priesthood unto the Church
Therefore we say come over & help us, all your fathers friends would be
glad to see you in our midst & none more than the Presidency.57

If Joseph Smith III ever responded to this unofficial overture from the
west, no copy of the letter is known to exist at present. However, his upbringing,
personal preference, and spiritual manifestations the previous year all led to a
similar conclusion. He would remain in Illinois.

Legal Studies

Major Bidamon had long desired that his step-son enter the legal
profession. As a teen-ager, Young Joseph had concluded to become a blacksmith,
but the Major had other ideas. The law offered a ready avenue of advancement
for young men, both financial and political. As with the ministry and medicine, a
college education was not regarded as essential for Antebellum legal practice.
One could acquire the necessary training via personal study and tutelage under an
older member of the bar. This was the method another young man from Illinois,
Abraham Lincoln, had pursued. Soon after Emma's marriage to the Major, Joseph
began reading law, sometimes under the direction of a local lawyer. Emma Smith
Bidamon acquiesced in this decision, but it is probable that Major Bidamon was
the prime mover.58

In January, 1855, Joseph Smith III went to Canton, Illinois, to undertake
more systematic legal study under the direction of William Kellogg.59 L. C.
Bidamon previously had resided in Canton and still had family there.
Arrangements now were made for Joseph to board with some of the Major's
relatives, Christian Bidamon (his older brother) and Abel H. White (his brother-in-
law).60

Upon leaving home, his mother presented him with a Bible. As she did so,
she said:

My son, I have no charge to you, as to what your religion shall be. I
give you this book with this admonition, Make it the man of your counsel;
live every day as if it were to be the last; and you will have no need to
fear what your future shall be.61

While at Canton, Joseph secured work as clerk of the city council. He also
augmented his meager funds through part-time work at the post office. William
Kellogg's political influence may have assisted him in securing these positions. He
wrote reassuringly to his mother, shortly thereafter, "I am studying hard as I can,
and will try hard to acquire the mysteries of the law."62

In a playful letter to his brother Alexander, he provided a glimpse of his
daily routine in Canton. He mentions going to the office and making "Old Chilly's
dry bones rattle."63 In the afternoon, following dinner, "I read some helped Mr.
Emmons some that is looked on and saw him help himself till time to go to supper
which you of course know I would not miss for any thing." The intensity of legal
study receives mention: "I am also well except my head and I very much believe
that it is swelling at least it ought I put enough into it to make it—from twenty
five to forty pages of Chitty per day besides such a supply of bread and meat as
serves to make me weight about one hundred and seventy . . . ." His limited
finances precluded such extravagances as attending a minstrel show: ". . . . there
was a neg[r]o show here night before last but your own dutiful brother was too
poor and to[o] careful of his quarters to let them slip for a nigger show. . . ."
Diversions which cost nothing, however, were a welcome relief from his daily
routine, such as attending an address by Representative Joshua R. Giddings.64

Joseph Smith III acquired many friends while in Canton.65 Intelligent,
interested in the reforms of the day, given to reading, he nevertheless found time
for socializing. His sense of humor was already well developed.

This phase of his life came to an end in 1856. Lack of funds made it
impossible for him to continue his studies in Canton.66 He returned home to
Nauvoo.

At home, he found his grandmother in failing health. Lucy Mack Smith was
eighty years old and terribly crippled with arthritis. For some time she had made
her residence with her daughter-in-law at the Mansion House. When she died, May
14, 1856, Joseph was at her beside.67

He never attempted to secure admission to the bar. Faced with the
question whether to join the bar, he decided not to make the attempt. His reasons
were ethical: ". . . in Hancock County, the practice before the lower courts was
so flagrantly dishonest and corrupt that I felt no inclination to put myself into
their ranks or be officially called upon to practice in the profession there."68 He
was not done with the law, however. In future years he would put his training to
good use as a justice of the peace. More significantly, his legal training would
color his lifelong habits of thought and action. Both as an ecclesiastical leader
and as a religious apologist he displayed definite tendencies toward a legal mind-
set.

Religious Credo at Mid-Decade

During his stay at Canton, Joseph began corresponding with Emma Knight,
a friend from childhood days. These letters provide an important glimpse into his
religious development at this time. Not only had he discarded his old infatuation
with Spiritualism, but he had passed negative judgment on Salt Lake Mormonism:

The mormons of Salt Lake are not the mormons of my Father's
faith. They teach doctrines which are bound to carry those believing and
practising them to eventual destruction but my Father never taught or
believed them and so they are well aware but they have taken such
precautions as keep the truth hidden but time will sooner or later do
them Justice[.]

Joseph went on to opine that the notoriety of Brighamite doctrines resulted
in skepticism about the whole of Mormonism, but quickly went on to disclaim any
intention of making a Mormon of Emma Knight, observing, "I know not what the
minutia of the doctrine consist of ... ." What he was certain of, he said, was that
obedience to the ethical norms of the New Testament was the safest religious
course:

... my conscience tells me whoever follows the maxims laid down in the
new Testament and will conform to what is there commanded doing
justice to all using charity mercy & Love will stand a much more certain
chance to see the celestial city than those whose professions are loud
and their prayers long and faces longer who think it wickedness for youth
to mix in the pleasant pastimes of the day ....

Beyond warning against Brighamite Mormons and long-faced religious
hypocrites, he advised the following when others tried to convert her to one
church or another:

I would just say to you that you examine all [doctrines] faithfully and
carefully weighing well the merits and demerits before you commit
yourself to any and after a thorough examination just ask yourself the
Question if the person who liveth uprightly and honestly before the world
Haveing a conscience void of repfoach Is not a true Christian whether
they have joined the tenets of any church or not and you will come to the
conclusion that by being truly honest with uprightness of spirit and
exercising the humane faculties you or any one else is actually fulfilling
the destiny for which you were placed on earth .... I would rather see
you independently pursuing an honest and consistent path without being
trammeled by the forms of any sect for in all my experience I have never
yet found [?] harmony in any creed .... resolve not to accept any thing
for granted but examine closely and the errors will invariably disclose
themselves[.]69

During the summer and fall of 1855, at Canton, Joseph attended the
preaching of a Universalist minister named Westfall. Westfall was eloquent. His
young auditor considered him "one of the best preachers that I ever heard in my
life." He graphically explained "the saving of sinners from the depths of misery
by the goodness of God." But however moving this Universalist's sermons might
be, Joseph found the position illogical. He remained convinced that divine justice
demanded future rewards and punishments based on one's deeds in the flesh.70
Here then was Joseph's religious credo: rejection of evil Brighamite
accretions to primitive Mormonism; a confessed ignorance of the "minutia" of
Latter Day Saint doctrine; belief that true religion must conform to the dictates
of conscience and the ethics of the New Testament; distaste for religious
hypocrites of all stripes; skepticism about competing dogmatic systems and
devotion to open-mindedness; commitment to ethical living as the essence of good
religion; and rejection of both hell-fire and universalism.

Romance and Marriage

In the spring of 1856, Joseph became engaged to Emaline Griswold. The
couple had been courting for about two years. There was the problem of religion
to be canvassed, however, before marriage. Joseph's prospective mother-in-law
was a Methodist, but Emaline was not. The young couple, like many others of
their day, attended Methodist worship services and revivals together, but Emaline
showed no inclination to join her mother's church.71

The direction of Joseph's religious thinking is plainly discernible in the
terms of his proposal to his future wife. He spoke of his uncertainty about his
possible religious vocation, and requested assurances that he would be free to
pursue such a calling. He vowed, however, that he would never embrace the most
notorious feature of Utah Mormonism, polygamy. As he later recalled their
conversation,

I ... told her also that at that time I had no special intention of
engaging in church work of becoming a minister, but added that it was
possible I might do so. I told her plainly that as a child I had been
baptized by my father, was a member of the church over which he
presided at his death, and—a statement I wished her to distinctly
understand and most carefully consider—if at any time I should feel it
my duty to take up in an active way the religion of my father and to
become its advocate and defender, I must be at perfect liberty to do so.
... I asked her to think over very carefully this whole matter of church
affiliation and religious preference, and if she found she could not marry
me with the definite understanding that I must be left at liberty to
follow my own convictions in such matters, even to the point of
becoming active in the religion of my father if so led, I should prefer not
to have her consent to marry me.

I made her this solemn promise, however, and assured her that she
might rest securely upon it, viz., that I would have nothing to do with
either the teaching or the practicing of polygamy or plural marriage, for
I regarded the doctrine as utterly false and repulsive.72

After considering the matter for a week, Emaline consented to marry
Joseph. But while an understanding concerning religion may have been reached by
the couple, the prospect of Emaline marrying the son of the Mormon prophet
alarmed various members of the Griswold family. When letters of entreaty failed
to dissuade her, Ambrose Griswold, an older brother, journeyed to Nauvoo to make
a personal appeal. The marriage was set for October 22, 1856. On the eve of the
ceremony, Ambrose persuaded Mrs. Griswold and a sister to leave Nauvoo for a
friend's, five miles away. He tried to get Emaline to come along. She refused.
The next morning he returned and made another attempt to frustrate the
marriage. Persuasion failing, he turned to threats. Still, Emaline remained true
to her affianced who bore that notorious name, Joseph Smith.

When Joseph reached the Griswold home, he found his bride foresaken by
all her family. Only a neighbor girl and the local Presbyterian clergyman who
performed the ceremony, the Reverend Mathew Waldenmeyer, were witnesses to
the marriage.

An incident occurred at the end of the ceremony. Joseph's recollection of
it offers some clues as to his chivalrous views of marriage. The genial Rev.
Waldenmeyer pronounced the couple man and wife and leaned forward to kiss the
bride. Joseph quickly intervened, saying, "After me, if you please," which seemed
to delight the pastor! Reminisced Joseph:

That kiss which I placed upon the lips of my bride upon this occasion was
the second I had ever given her, the first being given at her mother's
gate as the seal of our troth, on the evening she consented to become my
wife. No holier kiss than that first kiss in pledge was ever placed upon
woman's lips, nor have I yet forgotten the swelling of my heart in
acknowledgement of and tender gratitude for the maiden love of so
beautiful and kind-spirited a woman. ... I have never regretted a single
experience of my early married life or the great and adoring love I gave
to my first companion.73

Full flushed with the joy of young love, the couple settled on the farm,
two-and-one-half miles east of Nauvoo. They soon experienced some of the
sorrows of life, but for the moment, life was filled with joy.

Religious Crisis of 1856

Joseph Smith III was twenty-three years old. He was a poor, newly-wed
farmer, in an out-of-the-way town on the Mississippi. But he bore a famous name,
and his father's religious legacy would not leave him to farm in quiet obscurity.
Members of various factions remembered his paternal blessing, designating him as
eventual successor to the prophetic office. As such, many hoped for him to step
forward and take his "rightful place." But Joseph Smith III was determined not to
be forced into a hasty decision.

He was impatient with those who importuned him to act, while he felt no
divine calling, or in conjunction with policies he considered wicked. Earlier in
1856, he had written:

I am beset once in a while by salt Lake mormons asking me in
reference to what my opinions are in regard to their welfare and the
affairs of the church generally I have refused to gratify their wishes
altogether and have sometimes been almost insulted by the importuning
me[.]74

The Smiths had barely settled into their farm home, when the question of
Mormonism again intruded itself upon Joseph's soul. A sequence of events in
quick succession fostered this second religious crisis:

I. Putnam Yates' suggestion. Putnam Yates and Joseph Smith III
frequently discussed Mormonism. Yates' favorite idea was that Joseph could
assume the leadership of the church in Utah if he emigrated there. Yates
speculated that the prophet's son could:

do a great and an excellent work by going to Utah, and as he put, it,
"Taking the lead away from Brigham; breaking up that system of things
there," or to "fall in with the style of things there[,] become a leader,
get rich, marry three or four wives and enjoy yourself." Though not a
religious man himself, he thought it might be a duty that I owed the
people of Utah. He further thought, that from his experience in Utah,
and the expressions he had heard among the people there, that I would be
received with open arms and could succeed.

The question of going to Utah again forced itself upon Joseph, despite his
earlier conclusion that polygamy was wrong and that he was not to go to Utah.
The earlier decision had been based upon deep-seated values instilled during his
upbringing, personal antipathy towards some of the leaders in Utah, and a series
of spiritual manifestations during a severe illness. Now rational considerations
obtruded themselves into his thinking. Was prejudice keeping him from his duty?

Why not go to Utah? There are the men who were with my father, or a

great many of them. There, a large part of the family; there, also, seem
to be the only ones making profession of belief in Mormonism who appear
to be doing anything. Does not duty demand that I go there and clear my
name and honor of the charge of ingratitude to my father's character? Is
not polygamy, against which you object, a correct tenet? Is not your
objection one of prejudice only? These and a thousand others of similar
import were suggested, and added their weight to the difficulty of the
situation.

In the midst of this mental struggle, the scriptural text to which his father had
appealed, impressed itself upon his mind: "If any lack wisdom, let him ask of
God." It seemed perfectly adapted to his situation. Now satisfied that
Spiritualism rested upon a foundation of sand, he determined to trust to divine
wisdom rather than his own intelligence.

I believed that He who had enabled my father to decide which of all
[churches] should receive his attention, could, if he would, enable me to
decide whether I should, or should not, have anything to do with
Mormonism; and if so, what. I proceeded upon this conclusion.

Joseph continued to ponder the matter. One day, he experienced a vision, which
he ever after took to be the definitive answer to the question, "Why not go to
Utah?" While mulling over the unanswered question, he suddenly found himself
sowing wheat. Putnam Yates and Frederick G. W. Smith were harrowing behind
him. As they worked, Yates again asked him, "Why not go to Utah?" Stopping to
answer, a rushing noise caught Joseph's attention. He looked upward and saw a
bright, luminous, funnel-shaped cloud descending rapidly toward him. Soon the
cloud had enveloped him, and he stood within its radiance.

As the cloud rested upon the ground at my feet, the words "Because
the light in which you stand is greater than theirs," sounded in my ears
clearly and distinctly. Slowly the cloud passed away and the vision
closed.

A few days after the vision, Joseph and Putnam Yates had an actual conversation.
Yates again urged his friend to go to Utah. Joseph replied that he would not, on
the grounds given in the vision.75

Joseph Smith III ever afterwards considered himself divinely instructed not
to join himself to the Utah church, and that the Mormon practice of polygamy was
wrong. Ignorance of his father's secret teachings, values instilled by his mother, a
determination to redeem his father's name from ignominy hardened by years of
ostracism, combined with a series of visionary experiences to mold his lifelong
course.

2. Visit of Elders Snow and Smith. Events were now moving rapidly. On
November I, 1856, the newlyweds received visitors from Utah.76 Apostles
George A. Smith and Erastus Snow were on a preaching tour and passed through
Nauvoo. This was a social call. Although both men were prominent Utah elders,
they were visiting in a personal rather than an official capacity.77 They brought
with them a copy of Frederick Piercy's Route to Great Salt Lake, compliments of
the author, in gratitude for Joseph's having posed for a picture in the book.
Erastus Snow took the lead in the conversation and asked whether Joseph
did not intend to come to Utah. Elder Snow observed that the young man had
many friends there who had been friends to his father, and that they expected and
desired him to come, feeling that his place was with them. Joseph replied that he
might come to visit if his wife were willing, after a railroad was completed and he
could come and go without hindrance. The conversation continued:

Erastus Snow: "But we want you to come and stay."
Joseph Smith: "I can not do that ... so long as such things are taught and
practiced there as I believe are taught and practiced."
Snow: "You refer to plurality."
Smith: "Yes, I refer to the doctrine of polygamy as it is called in the
states."
Snow: "Why, you believe in the Book of Mormon; do you not?"
Smith: "I believe in the book; but do not believe the construction that you
Utah people put upon it."

The conversation continued for an hour or so. Non-religious subjects were
touched upon. The feeler from two of the leading elders in Utah had been
rebuffed.78 For the third time, George A. Smith had tried and failed to persuade
his kinsman to join the church in the valleys of the mountains. That half of the
Smith family which had emigrated to Utah and that half which had remained
behind were traveling along separate spiritual pathways. For years each would
entertain hopes that the other would "see the light," but unknown to either, their
pathways had parted permanently.

Upon leaving, the two Utah elders concluded that Joseph Smith III had been
evasive about his view of the Book of Mormon. They inferred that he lacked solid
belief in the book and in his father's divine mission. Joseph Smith III viewed the
matter differently. He believed in the Book of Mormon and in his father's
prophetic calling, but was unwilling to accept polygamy as consistent with
either.79

3. Visit of S. H. Gurley and E. C. Briggs. A visit from a relative might be
welcome, but religious pressures were unwelcome to Joseph Smith III. He was a
newlywed and preferred to set aside the question of religion. Nevertheless, the
question continued to force itself upon him.

A month later, on December 6, 1856, representatives from another group
of Latter Day Saints came calling. Elders Samuel H. Gurley and Edmund C.
Briggs had been sent by the Reorganization with a message for Joseph Smith III.
After stopping at the Nauvoo Mansion, Elders Gurley and Briggs walked out from
Nauvoo to visit Joseph at the farm, introduced themselves, and handed him the
following letter to read:

The Church of Zarahemla, Wisconsin, to Joseph Smith: Our faith is
not unknown to you, neither our hope in the re-gathering of the pure in
heart enthralled in darkness, together with the means, to the
accomplishment of the same, viz, that the seed of him, to whom the
work was first committed should stand forth, and bear the responsibility
(as well as wear the crown) of a wise master builder, to close up the
breach, and to combine in one a host, who, though in.captivity and sorely
tried, still refuse to strengthen the hands of usurpers. As that seed, to
whom pertains this right, and heaven-appointed duty, you cannot be
unmindful nor indifferent. The God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob
covenanted with them and their seed. So the God of Joseph covenanted
with him and his seed, that his word should not depart out of his mouth,
nor out of the mouth of his seed, nor out of the mouth of his seed's seed,
till the end come. A Zerubbabel in Israel art thou. As a nail fastened in
a sure place, so are the promises unto thee to make thee a restorer in
Zion, to set in order the house of God. And the Holy Spirit that
searcheth the deep things of God hath signified to us that the time has
come, for through fasting and prayer hath the answer from God come
unto us, saying, Communicate with my servant Joseph Smith, son of
Joseph the Prophet. Arise, call upon God, and be strong, for a deliverer
art thou to the Latter Day Saints, and the Holy Spirit is the prompter.

The apostles, elders and Saints who have assembled with us have
beheld the vacant seat, and the seed that is wanting, and like Ezra of old
with his brethren, by the direction of the Holy Spirit have we sent
faithful messengers to bear this our message to you, trusting you will by
their hands notify us of your readiness to occupy that seat, and answer to
the name and duties of that seed. For this have our prayers without
ceasing been offered up for the last five years. We are assured that the
same Spirit that has testified to us, has signified the same things to you.
Many have arisen perverting the work of the Lord. But the good and the
true are throughout the land waiting the true successor of Joseph the
Prophet as president of the church and of the priesthood. In our
publications—sent to you—we have shown the right of successorship to
rest in the lineal descendants of the chosen seed to whom the promise
was made, and also the manner of ordination thereto. We cannot forbear
reminding you that the commandments as well as the promises given to
Joseph your father, were given to him and to his seed. And in the name
of the master, even Jesus Christ, as moved upon by the Holy Ghost we
say: Arise in the strength of the Lord and realize those promises by
executing these commandments, and we, by the grace of God, are thy
helpers in restoring the exiled sons and daughters of Zion to their
inheritances in the kingdom of God, and to the faith once delivered to
the Saints
.

Holding fast that which is good, and resisting evil, we invoke the
blessings of the God of Israel upon thee and upon all Saints, for whom we
will ever pray.

J. W. BRIGGS,
Representative President of the Church and the Priesthood in
Zarahemla.
ZAHAHEMLA, November 18th, 1856.80

After reading the message of the emissaries, Joseph told them that he
could not accept it, because he lacked proof that it was the word of the Lord for
him. Handing the letter back to Elder Gurley, he said, "Gentlemen, I will talk
with you on politics or any other subject, but on religion I will not allow one word
spoken in my house."

Samuel Gurley responded, "But we wish to tell you what we believe."
Joseph exclaimed, "1 will not allow one word spoken on the subject to me in
my house."

This emphatic declaration fairly crushed Gurley's hopes, and he burst into
tears.

Feeling himself the bearer of a divine commission, E. C. Briggs became
insistent, and strongly declared that Joseph must heed the message, upon peril of
divine judgment. He said, "Mr. Smith, while we respect your feelings as a man,
and do not wish to injure your feelings yet we will not allow you to hinder us in
doing our duty, as we have been sent by the command of God to tell you what we
know and most surely believe in relation to your calling as the successor of your
father."

This was too much for Joseph to bear from guests in his own house. He was
about to show Briggs and Gurley the door, when Emaline's calmer head prevailed.
The storm abated, and calm was restored.

The conversation continued in more subdued terms. To the statement that
it had been revealed that he would succeed his father in the church, Joseph
continued to refuse discussion, saying, "I do not allow myself to talk on such
matters in relation to my own calling, or what I may do in the future." The one
note of encouragement he did offer was the observation that George A. Smith and
Erastus Snow recently had visited, and that he would have nothing to do with the
Utah church or its corrupt doctrines.81

Briggs secured a promise from Joseph that he would discuss the matter
again in the morning. On Sunday morning, December 7th, at the Mansion House,
the matter was aired some more. Joseph told Gurley that he had received no
spiritual testimony that the message was from God. Could they not go about their
callings without reference to himself? This was another crushing blow for Gurley,
who again began weeping. Briggs told Joseph that they might do without other
men, but that his was a special calling. Joseph replied that he needed personal
testimony of his own. He later recalled his answer:

What they came to bring might be the word of the Lord; I could not say
that it was not. I had, however, no testimony that it was. That I was
prepared to do what God required of me, if he would make it known to
me what it was. That I believed that he could reveal himself if he would.
That I believed that my father was called of God to do a work; and that I
was satisfied that that work was true, whether I ever had anything to do
with it or not. That I did not then know whether I should ever be called
to take any part in that work; but that if I were, I was ready, and that it
would have to be made clear to me, in person, as well as to others what
that work was; that I could not move upon the evidence given to others
only. That they might be assured that I should not go to Salt Lake to
affiliate with them there. And finally, that if it should be made clear to
me that it was my duty to cast the fortunes of my life and my labor with
the work and the people that they were representing, I should without
hesitation do it, but that I could not then do so.82

Samuel H. Gurley returned home, bearing word of the result of the mission.
E. C. Briggs, perhaps desiring further opportunities to reason with Joseph, stayed
in Nauvoo and environs for nearly a year and grew to know the Smith family well.
Part of the time he worked with Joseph and Frederick on the farm. E. C. Briggs
had opportunity, later, again to give the letter from Zarahemla to Joseph, and this
time he kept it.83

Reflections

This succession of events set Joseph Smith III to reflecting and studying.
His personal life was terribly unsettled. He had been forced to terminate his legal
studies due to lack of funds. Then he had watched his grandmother die. He had
just experienced all the pressures incident to matrimony, together with extreme
hostility from his new in-laws. The recurring question of his relationship to his
father's religion immediately disrupted his married life. Then, in 1857, the
disruptions continued.

To begin with, there were the financial pressures. Joseph and his brother
Frederick were in partnership. Bad weather and army worms combined to produce
a series of bad harvests for the two young farmers. As a result, they found
themselves deeply in debt. Eventually they were forced to dissolve their
partnership. Joseph moved off the farm, and Fred and his new bride moved in.
Then there was Emaline's pregnancy. She had become pregnant almost
immediately after marriage. Never robust, she was having a difficult time. The
couple took up residence in the Mansion House, where she might receive better
care. On July 28, 1857, she gave birth to a daughter, Emma Josepha, but Emaline
continued seriously ill for months to come.

In the spring of 1858, Emaline was recovered sufficiently that the couple
moved across the street into the Old Homestead. Joseph now managed to bring in
enough income to keep the wolf from the door through his new duties as justice of
the peace and from various laboring tasks. He remained in debt for decades,
however.84

Through all these pressures and trials, Joseph continued to ponder his
religious future. Previously he had prayed about his future. Now he began to
study, as well:

Up to this time, I had not paid any marked attention to the book of
Covenants, and had only my reading of the Bible and B of Mormon, to
direct my thoughts; and had been very close to infidelity, being saved
from it only by my inability to account for known facts, as existences,
without acknowledging a God. My attention was directed to the Doc.
and Covenants, and I became fully impressed that the basis of the work
my father was called to perform, in reference to the salvation of man,
was to be found in that book. I accepted this as true, and in reading I
became satisfied that, so far as the published revelations to my father
were concerned, polygamy was not a tenet of the church; nor could it
become so, except by an absolute abrogation, in terms, of the law given
during his life time. Research into the Book of Mormon; and the "Times
and Seasons," which I was fortunate enough to secure, gave me further to
understand that both of the foremost men in the church had publicly
denied and denounced it; as had also "An Old Man in Israel," endorsed by
Eld John Taylor, at the time Editor of the Times and Seasons.85

Joseph Smith Ill's study involved only the public teachings of the church
prior to the death of his father. He had no access to his father's private papers,
which were housed in Salt Lake City, nor did he have access to many people who
had been his father's intimate disciples, who might have informed him of many of
Joseph Smith's private teachings.86

With only Joseph Smith, Jr.'s public pronouncements to work with, Joseph
Smith III pondered the logical alternatives. What arguments might be made in
favor of polygamy? Four occurred to him: (I) Joseph Smith (reportedly) had a
revelation authorizing polygamy; (2) Joseph Smith (reportedly) entered into
polygamous marriages; (3) Hyrum Smith, the prophet's brother, also (reportedly)
entered into polygamous marriages; and (4) the Biblical patriarchs also practiced
polygamy.

But if Joseph Smith both taught and practiced plural marriage, as the Utah
Mormons now proclaimed, why had he not published it openly to the church? Why
did he deny polygamy? Why had the section on marriage in the Doctrine and
Covenants not been amended to eliminate its monogamous restrictions? The
prophet's son continually mulled over these questions.

The Utah church urged four reasons for Joseph Smith's secrecy concerning
plural marriage: (I) Joseph Smith did not dare to make public the revelation; (2)
the time had not yet come to make it public; (3) deception was permissible if
necessary for self-protection; and (4) Emma Smith was violently opposed to the
revelation and burned it.

To Joseph Smith III, these explanations seemed to impugn the characters of
both God and the prophet. He was unwilling to admit such consequences. He
reasoned:

To accept these statements as true, it seemed to me then, as it does
now, that I must admit that Joseph and Hyrum Smith were, morally and
physically, cowards. This, their lives and former history deny. To admit
that the time had not come, is to deny the revelation, or that it was a
premature thing. This charges God with mistaking the time to reveal
&c. To admit that Joseph and Hyrum publicly denied, but secretly
practiced polygamy, or plurality of wives, was to admit that they were
deceivers, double-dealing, two-faced men. . . . this made my ears tingle
with shame. To think, to be compelled by his so-called friends to think,
that my father, my uncle, were cowards, afraid to declare what God
revealed to them; that they secretly practiced as a religious tenet &
right what they publicly denounced; that they lied, to screen themselves
from censure and blame; that they let a woman, (my mother) defeat the
purpose of God, in revealing his law—it made me heart sick. I could not,
I can not believe it. To me, if I admit all that is claimed; there is only
the one alternative, to think him imposed upon by false revelation, or
that he had fallen from his high estate as a man and had given way to
lust and sought an excuse for it87

Both logically and emotionally, to admit that his father clandestinely
taught and practiced plural marriage was more than Joseph Smith III could accept.
He chose to believe his father's public disavowals and thereby preserve his father's
honor and integrity.

Joseph was not one to act hastily concerning the religious questions before
him. He prayed, contemplated, and reasoned about his options for a long time.
As he did so, the conviction grew that he was to have something to do with his
father's work. If this were the case, he must determine with which group of
Saints he was to cost his lot.

The more he gave serious consideration to his options, the more objections
came to mind against casting his lot with the Mormons of Utah. A host of
problems would confront him if he went west.

First, there was the problem of rebaptism. If Joseph were to immigrate to
Utah and unite with the church there, he would have to be rebaptized. Brigham
Young had decreed that "all passing over the rim of the basin" should submit to
this rite. But Joseph had been baptized by his father, the prophet. Despite the
hiatus in his training as a Latter Day Saint and his freethinking phase, he had
always retained faith in the efficacy of that baptism under his father's hands.

... I believed that the baptism I had received at the hands of my
father had been as sacred and effective as any baptism performed since
the days of the Savior could possibly be, and that the ordinance of laying
on of hands for the reception of the Holy Ghost, which ordinance was
administered by my Sunday school teacher, had been efficacious for the
purpose designed, and that I had, indeed, received that gift. Did I wish,
then, to forfeit what spiritual blessing, power, and standing these
ordinances had given me? Could I afford to throw discredit upon either
by casting it aside and submit to a readministration?

Joseph's feelings strongly revolted against such a procedure, since he reasoned
that it would be a tacit repudiation of the efficacy and sacredness of the baptism
administered by his father, the prophet. He feared that to be rebaptised might
actually forfeit the spiritual blessing, power, and standing he had previously
received, and that it would certainly tend to discredit his childhood baptism.88

Second, polygamy posed an obvious problem. If he united with the Utah
Church, Joseph knew that it would signify his reception of polygamy and
concomitant theories. To do so was, he said, "repugnant to me in countless ways,"
and was a course "which I could not admit even to contemplation."89

Third, there was the issue of criminality. Joseph felt that rebaptism and
reconfirmation in Utah might require him to receive laying on of hands from
Brigham Young or those under him who were responsible for or countenanced the
shedding of innocent blood, as, for example, in the Mountain Meadows Massacre of
1857. "Could I bring myself to accept baptism, confirmation, or other ordinances
administered by or under such hands?," he asked himself.90

Fourth, there was the problem of Joseph Smith's good name. Uniting with
the Utah church, felt Joseph, would be tantamount to admitting the truth of the
assertion that his father was the human author of polygamy. Not only had he
never observed anything in his youth to indicate that his father was so involved,
but the very thought was repulsive to him. It contradicted his most dearly held
picture of what sort of a man his father was. As he put it:

[It] was contrary to my knowledge of, and belief in him, would serve to
neutralize at once the intention I had formed to redeem his memory
from false accusations and make honorable in the sight of men the
religion for which he became a martyr, and would result in an utter
failure on my part to accomplish that which I felt divinely urged to do.91

Redeeming the good name of Joseph Smith from the odium attached to polygamy
and Utah Mormonism was to remain a lifelong objective.

Fifth, there was the problem of chivalry. Joseph embraced a "high regard
for womankind," both by upbringing and by conviction. To embrace the Utah
system would violate his deepest convictions about male-female relations.92
Sixth, there was the question of obedience to God. The foregoing
considerations would have been sufficient to block affiliation with the church in
Utah. But Joseph had also concluded that to do so would violate the will of God,
both the scriptural injunctions against polygamy and a divine directive, personally
received, prohibiting union with the Brighamites.93

Such reasoning eliminated the Utah church as a possible group with which
to unite. But there were other factions about. Several of these would have
received him gladly. But one by one, Joseph ruled them out. The small band of
Cutlerites in Iowa—while morally unobjectionable—held that the redemption of
Zion was imminent, and were therefore economically careless. Joseph had seen
enough of poor Saints gathering together and finding themselves without means of
support, that such a rag-tag organization held no appeal to him.

Other groups which might have received him had broken up upon the deaths
of their leaders and/or upon the shoals of polygamy. Maverick apostle Lyman
Wight had died in 1858, and his followers had scattered. In addition, Wight's group
had practiced plural marriage on a limited scale. William Smith's organization
had disintegrated, in 1851, after the discovery that he clandestinely practiced
polygamy. James J. Strang's movement had flourished for a time, but had
broken up upon King Strang's assassination in 1856. Pockets of Strangites still
hoped that Young Joseph would assume leadership of their cause and revive the
work, but Joseph would not consider the possibility, because of Strangite
adherence to polygamy and the introduction of the idea of an earthly King.
Joseph reasoned that this was an alien and undemocratic office, wrongly grafted
into the gospel economy. Relying on his boyhood memories and his reading of the
standard works of the church, he little dreamed that his father had secretly
introduced such an office ,94

There were other factions, as well. One by one, Joseph eliminated them
from consideration.

There was no opportunity or place for me in any of these groups
. . . , imbued as I was with certain ideals and standards irreconcilable
with their doctrines. Their elimination from consideration, as I sought
earnestly to determine where to cast my religious lot, served to direct
my attention and interest more pointedly to the little band known as the
"reorganizers" or the "Reorganization" as it was usually called. To
"make assurance doubly sure," I made the whole matter a specific study
and subject of prayer, laying it before the Almighty in the plain question:
"To which body of believers shall I unite myself?"95

Religious Crisis of 1859-1860

To take up work on behalf of his father's religion was no small step for
Joseph Smith III. He had good reason to approach the matter deliberately.
Beyond his personal inclination not to act in the absence of settled conviction,
there was the question of how others would react. His father had been lynched.
Would he face hostility from Anti-Mormons? Would his family be in danger?
What of the reaction of his in-laws?

The burden of personal circumstances grew greater. There was the burden
of debt from the repeated losses of crops on the Smith farm. A second daughter,
Evalyn Rebecca was born in January 1859, adding to the economic pressures.
Emaline Griswold Smith showed no interest in religion and gave her husband no
support in his investigations. And then there was the problem of Joseph's mother-
in-law, Mrs. Griswold.

One day, Joseph took Emaline to visit her mother. Returning to pick her up
in the evening, he found his wife upset, with traces of tears on her face. A bit of
conversation revealed the cause. Mrs. Griswold and some neighbors had spent the
afternoon gossiping about Joseph, going over his economic failures and
pejoratively referring to his having "turned Mormon." After listening to an
afternoon of such talk, Emaline was distressed, particularly since she had no
answers for some of the criticisms. In a no-holds-barred confrontation, Joseph
told his mother-in-law never to interfere in his family affairs again. He gave his
weeping wife an ultimatum: either get in the wagon with him and go home or stay
with her mother. He gave her five minutes to decide. Before the deadline had
expired, Emaline gathered together the two little girls and got in the wagon for
the homeward trip to the Old Homestead. Thereafter, Joseph had a more
felicitous relationship with Mrs. Griswold.
96

The underlying economic, vocational, and religious tensions were still
present, however. Their urgency was exacerbated by a family tragedy in the fall
of 1859: the death of Evalyn Rebecca. She died after a heartbreaking illness
marked by recurring convulsions. The baby's death broke Emaline's heart. Joseph,
for his part, harbored strong feelings of resentment toward the attending doctor,
who prescribed some medicine and then left the child to her final death throes,
unable to help her and apparently indifferent.
97

Bereavement over Evalyn Rebecca's death brought on another family crisis.
Emaline had no religious resources on which to draw during her grief. To her

eyes, Joseph's reaction seemed uncaring:

I had a latent confidence in the final triumph of goodness and had
learned to be more stoical than she. I tried to contort her as best I
could, but discovered that my stoicism aroused in her a degree of
displeasure, for she thought me callous and indifferent to the grief into
which we had been plunged. By contact with those who were at enmity
with the church and with Father during his lifetime I had early learned
the necessity for the repression of my feelings, and it had become more
or less habitual with me that no matter how deeply I was feeling or how
greatly suffering I did not allow my emotions to appear upon the
surface.98

The succession of crises through which Joseph Smith III went undoubtedly
added to the urgency of his religious quest. Additionally there was the sense of
passing time. Before, he had hesitated to commit himself. Now he felt a growing
sense of unease, a feeling that he could not remain forever a spectator, that it
was time to reach a decision, that further inaction was not right, and that he must
be about the business of continuing his father's work.

Having ruled out various other groups of Latter Day Saints, he turned his
attention to the "Reorganized" church. In truth, there were few other options left
open to him. He had ruled out the possibility of affiliating with several other
groups. Factions which denounced polygamy but held that his father had fallen
into wickedness later in his career—the Hedrickites, for example—held no appeal
to him. Short of starting a new work of his own, the Reorganization was the only
place remaining for him to go. He had some general knowledge of the
Reorganization and of their desire that he should become his father's successor.
But he knew only a handful of the the movement's leaders. Ironically, he was
unaware of the growing anticipation among the small band of Reorganites—fed by
prophecies and glossalalia—that he would soon assume their presidency.99

Decision to Join the Reorganization

There were several stages to Joseph Smith Ill's decision to join the
Reorganization. First, of course, there was the process of elimination by which
he sorted out the contending factions of Latter Day Saints. This involved a series
of test-questions. The Reorganization passed all of them. They rejected
polygamy. They practiced no community of goods. Their form of government was
democratic, not kingly or autocratic. The members were generally poor, but hard
working, not lazily awaiting the millennium. They did not antagonize their
Gentile neighbors with irritating plans for gathering into one location. The
Reorganization passed all questions.

Second, in the fall of 1859, he received another spiritual manifestation,
similar to those previously received. He was told:

The Saints reorganizing at Zarahemla and other places, is [sic] the only
organized portion of the Church accepted by me. I have given them my
Spirit, and will continue to do so while they remain humble and
faithful.100

In answer to his questions, he was told "clearly and specifically" to unite with the
Reorganization.

Third, his mother voiced no objection to his uniting with the
Reorganization. At this decisive juncture, Joseph consulted with his mother. In
later years, some in Utah were to charge that Emma Smith Bidamon determined
his religious course, which Joseph vigorously denied. This consultation seems to
reflect the true state of their relationship: Emma left her son to make his own
decision, but Joseph's foundational values, the bedrock of assumptions upon which
his reasoning proceeded, were deeply influenced by his mother. He loved and
trusted her. Having come this far in his own thinking, he now sought her advice.
Would she see things as he did? He valued her opinion at this critical moment.
Emma's response is not recorded, beyond the fact that she approved.

Fourth, Joseph Smith III decided to approach the leaders of the
Reorganization, to see if they were men with whom he could work and to see how
they would respond to his overtures. Perhaps it was at his mother's suggestion
that Joseph wrote to William Marks, now keeping a hotel at Shabbona Grove,
Illinois, telling him of his intentions and asking for consultation. 101
The letter read as follows:

Nauvoo, March 5th, 1860
Mr William Marks,
Sir;
I am soon going to take my father's place at the
head of the Mormon Church, and I wish that you, and some others, those
you may consider the most trustworthy the nearest to you, to come and
see me; that is, if you can, and will. I am somewhat undecided as to the
best course for me to pursue and if your views are, upon a comparison, in
unison with mine and we can agree as to the best course, I would be
pleased to have your cooperation. I would rather you would come
previous to your conference in April at Amboy. I do not wish to attend
the conference but would like to know if they as a body would endorse
my opinions. You will say nothing of this to any but those who you may
wish to accompany you here.
With great regard, I subscribe myself
Yours most respectfully,
Joseph Smith.•102

After joining forces with Strang in 1846, William Marks had affiliated with
a succession of factions, only to be disappointed with each in turn. Recently he
had united with the fledgling Reorganization, perhaps for many of the same
reasons as would Joseph Smith III. Marks long had been a confidant of Emma
Smith, was trusted by Joseph, and still retained considerable prestige from his
position as president of the Nauvoo Stake and High Council at the time of Joseph
Smith, Jr.'s death. 103

Upon receiving Joseph's letter, William Marks consulted with two other
leaders of the small "New Movement," Israel L. Rogers and William W. Blair. The
three of them travelled to Nauvoo on March 19th and stayed until the 21st. Their
interview with Joseph Smith III passed off agreeably. William Marks frankly
expressed one area of apprehension: "We have had enough of man-made prophets,
and we don't want any more of that sort. If God has called you, we want to know
it. If he has, the Church is ready to sustain you; if not, we want nothing to do
with you." Marks and many other Reorganites had followed one pretender to
Joseph Smith's mantle after another, only to be disappointed by evidence of clay
feet in each successive leader. In spite of such disappointments, they still
retained their hope that the Latter Day work was true. Young Joseph—no longer
so young—was probably their last realistic hope. But they needed assurances that
he would not mislead them as had the others. They believed that Young Joseph
was divinely called to his father's office, but they were committing themselves to
an unknown quantity. Would he later take advantage of them? Would he first
deny polygamy, as had J. J. Strang and William Smith only to secretly practice it
later? William Marks expressed a strong need for reassurance on this count.
Joseph Smith III proved receptive to his concerns. The meeting concluded, and it
was decided that, contrary to earlier intentions, Joseph would attend the
upcoming Reorganite conference at Amboy, Illinois.104

A Last Ditch Appeal from a Utah Relative

Joseph's cousin, John Smith (1832-1911), visited Nauvoo in February 1860.
Six weeks older than Joseph, John was the eldest son of Hyrum Smith. The two
cousins had not seen each other since John left Nauvoo in September 1846. After
a stay at Winter Quarters, John had crossed the plains to Utah in 1848, with his
step-mother, Mary Fielding Smith, and his half-brother, Joseph F. Smith.
Following the death of his uncle and namesake, John Smith, in 1854, Hyrum
Smith's son had become presiding patriarch of the church.105

John Smith had departed Salt Lake City on September 16, 1859, to visit
Florence, Nebraska and Hancock County, Illinois. His sister Lovina, her husband
Lorin Walker, and their family lived in Florence. John intended to bring them to
Utah. In Illinois he intended to visit his relatives, the Smiths, Salisburys, and
Millikins. After an initial visit in Florence, he pushed on to Nauvoo, arriving in
February 1860. His cousin Joseph welcomed him. During his visit of nearly a
month, he made Joseph's home his base of operations. Relations between the two
"sons of the martyrs" were cordial and frank. Joseph confided in John his
intentions concerning the Reorganized Church. 106

After giving his team sufficient rest for the long westward trek, John
decided to return to Florence. The day before his departure, he had a long,
serious discussion with Joseph. Joseph was working at cutting wood. While
Joseph chopped, John chatted. He urged his cousin to come to Utah for a visit.
After this line of thought had been developed a while, Joseph asked whether it
would be safe for him to go to Salt Lake City. Of course it would be, his cousin
answered; the leaders of the church would welcome the prophet's son. Joseph was
not so sure. What if he expressed himself too freely, he wondered. He then asked
what was, for him, the critical question:

"Cousin John, suppose I should visit Salt Lake City and should be
invited to speak from a public stand. Would I be safe in expressing my
opposition to the doctrine and practice of polygamy and plural marriage,
and in freely stating my opinions in reference to them and their origin?"
"Well, Cousin Joseph, I do not think you would be so foolish as to
speak against the doctrine in so public a place and manner as that, and in
the presence of those who would be likely to be on the platform with
you."
I dropped the axe I was using, and with all the force and fire, and
love of freedom which I had inherited from my New England ancestors,
at once awake and alert in my soul, I exclaimed:
"Cousin John, I am a free man—was born free—and my opinions and
my tongue are my own, and I am telling you that if I should be asked my
opinion about polygamy and stood in a pulpit along with Brigham Young
himself I should speak it out, plainly and unmistakably, as I would to you
here and now;"
He looked at me steadily and thoughtfully a moment, and then said,
soberly:
"I think you had best not go out to Utah yet;"

There was a tacit, unspoken understanding between the two cousins, that it
would be unsafe for Joseph Smith III to express anti-polygamous sentiments in
Utah in 1860.108

After a difficult trip across Iowa—he complained of difficulties with the
mud—John Smith reached Council Bluffs. Despite their ecclesiastical differences,
he entertained a fond regard for his cousin and made one last-ditch attempt to
dissuade him from joining the Reorganization. He wrote a letter on April 3rd,
attempting to avert an open breach between the prophet's son and the Utah
Church:

I have been here about a week and while here I have lerned
something about that matter which we talked about while I was there it
is in the mouth of every body all most and I have seen some of the
parties and by what I can learn it is all a specculation and they do not
care a d—d for you only to make a tool of you to carry out there
scheems that they may get gain and I hope you will not take a step in the
matter without fully considering the importance of such a [s]tep as for
my part I cannot sanction any such a thing for I fear it will leaede us in a
difficulty that would bring a stain upon us where in we might suffer loss
Cousin Joseph these are my sentiments well I wish you would come over
here soon fore I woud like to see you very much. 109

John Smith added a postscript, begging his cousin, "pleas write to me as soon as
you recieve this." But it was too late. The die was cast. By the time he read the
letter, Joseph Smith III had been ordained president of the Reorganized Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints.

© Copyright by Charles Millard Turner 1985
All Rights Reserved