1HC 6:621-622; CHC 2:289-290.
²HC 6:624-625; CHC 2:291.

³ Joseph Smith III, "What Do I Remember of Nauvoo?," p. 336.

⁴Ibid., pp. 336-337.

⁵HC 6:627.

⁶Srnith, "What Do I Remember of Nauvoo?," p. 337. But cf. the reported
reaction of Olive Frost, as reported in N. W. Green, Mormonism; Its Rise,
Progress, and Present Condition. Embracing the Narrative of Mrs. Mary Ettie V.
Smith, of Her Residence and Experience of Fifteen Years with the Mormons;
Containing a Full and Authentic Account of Their Social Condition—Their
Religious Doctrines, and Political Government (Hartford: Belknap & Bliss, 1870),
p. 36, where this plural wife of Joseph Smith is reported to have gone "entirely
mad" at news of the prophet's death.

⁷HC 6:627-628; Smith, "What Do I Remember of Nauvoo?," p. 337. In the
fall, at Emma Smith's request, the bodies were exhumed and buried near the
Mansion. Rumors were afloat in later years about the true location of the
prophet's grave, but Joseph Smith III never placed any credence in them, because
he had been present upon one occasion when a hole was dug and a lock of hair
clipped from the head of his father.

⁸This last point is made by Thomas Ford, A History of Illinois from Its
Commencement As a State in 1818 to 1847. Containing a Full Account of the
Black Hawk War, the Rise, Progress, and Fall of Mormonism, the Alton and
Lovejoy Riots, and Other Important and Interesting Events (Chicago: S. C. Griggs
& Co.; New York: Ivison & Phinney, 1854), pp. 334 and 351.

⁹Donna Hill, Joseph Smith: The First Mormon (Garden City, New York:
Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1977), pp. 419-420.

¹⁰Robert Bruce Flanders, Nauvoo; Kingdom on the Mississippi (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1965), p. 311.

¹¹ HC 7:183, 184,213,228.

¹²The lawyer's name is sometimes given as "Woods" and sometimes as
"Wood." He signed his name James W^m Woods in a receipt to Emma Smith, dated
Nauvoo, June 13, 1846, acknowledging receipt of $85.00 for services and advice,
Wilford C. Wood Collection (microfilm at LDS Archives, Ms f 413, Reel 25). Cf.
Times and Seasons 5 (July 1, 1844):564.

¹³Entries for July 2, 3, and 4, 1844, William Clayton, Clayton's Secret
Writings Uncovered: Extracts from the Diaries of Joseph Smith's Secretary
William Clayton, intro. by Jerald Tanner and Sandra Tanner (Salt Lake City;
Modern Microfilm Company, 1982), p. 31.

¹⁴lbid., entries for July 4, 6, 7, 8, 12, 1844; pp. 31-32; HC 7:183; Parley
Parker Pratt, The Autobiography of Parley Parker Pratt, One of the Twelve
Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Embracing His Life,
Ministry and Travels, with Extracts, in Prose and Verse, from His Miscellaneous
Writings, ed. by Parley P. Pratt [Jr.] (New York: Published for the Editor and
Proprietor by Russell Brothers, 1874), p. 373.

¹⁵D. Michael Quinn, "The Mormon Succession Crisis of 1844," pp. 187-233.

¹⁶Entry for July 6, 1844, Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 31.

¹⁷On Emma Smith's support for William Marks, see James M. Monroe,
"Journal Kept During Private Tuition of the Prophet Joseph's Children and Also
Bro Taylor's," April 24, 1845, Coe Collection, Yale University (microfilm at LDS
Archives, Ms f 783). On William Marks' opposition, in the High Council, to the
prophet's revelation on polygamy, see The Historical Record 6 (May 1887):226-
228. On Emma Smith's resistance to the prophet's teaching and practice of
polygamy, see The Historical Record 6 (May 1887):225-226.

¹⁸Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 32.

¹⁹The evidence shows that, on the contrary, she supported William Marks,
and later toyed with the idea of supporting her brother-in-law, William Smith.
Donna Hill's contention, Joseph Smith, p. 421, that Emma Smith advanced Joseph
Smith Ill's claims to the presidency, in 1844, is without foundation.

²⁰Entry for July 2, 1844, Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 31.

²¹ Ibid., July 2, 1844, p. 31.

²²Qn the death of Samuel H. Smith, see HC 7:213-222. For Willard
Richards' warning that William should not return to Nauvoo, see his remarks in a
letter to Brigham Young, June 30, 1844, in HC 7:148. Another reason William
Smith stayed in the east was the serious illness of his wife Caroline.

²³Relations between Sidney Rigdon and Joseph Smith had been
deteriorating for some time. See Jedediah M. Grant, A Collection of Facts,
Relative to the Course Taken by Elder Sidney Rigdon, in the States of Ohio,
Missouri, Illinois and Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: Brown, Bicking & Guilbert,
1844), passim; Orson Hyde, Speech of Elder Orson Hyde Delivered before the High
Priests Quorum in Nauvoo, April 27th, 1845, upon the Course and Conduct of Mr.
Sidney Rigdon, and upon the Merits of His Claims to the Presidency of the Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (City of Joseph: Printed by John Taylor,
1845), pp. 6-10; and McKiernan, The Voice of One Crying in the Wilderness, pp.
115-124. Rigdon's removal from Nauvoo to Pittsburgh is usually attributed to his
soured relationship with the prophet, but another possible reason for the move to
Pennsylvania may have been related to Joseph Smith's presidential campaign, in
which Rigdon was the vice presidential candidate. The move to Pittsburgh may
have been done with an eye toward establishing a legal residence in a different
state from that of Joseph Smith, due to the constitutional provision prohibiting
members of the electoral college from casting ballots for both a president and a
vice president residing in the same state as themselves (12th Amendment).

²⁴HC 7:223-224; McKiernan, The Voice of One Crying in the Wilderness, p.
127; Pratt, Autobiography, p. 372.

²⁵Anson Call, "The Life Record of Anson Call," p. 29, photocopy of B.Y.U.
typescript in Bancroft Library. Call errs in dating this sermon on July 19, 1844.
William Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 33, gives the correct date, August 4th. Cf.
HC 7:224-225, and Hyde, Speech of Elder Orson Hyde. p. 12.

²⁶"The Life Record of Anson Call," p. 29.

²⁷Part of the deal called for Marks to assume the office of patriarch, in
exchange for supporting Rigdon. See entry for August 7, 1844, Clayton, Secret
Writings, p. 34.

²⁸ HC 7:229-230; Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 34.

²⁹Later accounts of Brigham Young's speech spoke of him being
"transfigured," taking on the very appearance, voice, and manner of the slain
prophet. Traditional Mormon historiography argued that this was a divine
testimony that Brigham was to inherit the prophet's mantle. See, e.g., Susa Young
Gates and Leah D. Widtsoe, The Life Story of Brigham Young (New York:
Macmillan Company, 1930), p. 41. However, Quinn, "The Mormon Succession
Crisis of 1844," p. 212, points out that the many accounts of the "transfiguration"
are retrospective, none having been recorded at the time of its purported
occurrence. Brigham Young probably encouraged comparisons between himself
and Joseph Smith. Henry and Catharine Brooke, in November 1844, spoke of
Brigham Young as favoring "Br Joseph, both in person, & manner of speaking,
more than any person ever you saw, look like another." See Henry and Catharine
Brooke to Leonard and Mary Pickel, November 15, 1844, Coe Collection, Yale
University (microfilm at LDS Archives). Orson Hyde recognized the possibility
that Brigham Young was utilizing his skills as a mimic to imitate the prophet's
speech, but concluded that the transfiguration was more than mere mimicry. See
Journal of Discourses 13:181.

³⁰HC 7:233.

³¹ Quinn, "The Mormon Succession Crisis of 1844," p. 211.

³²McKiernan, The Voice of One Crying in the Wilderness, pp. 130-131; HC
7:268-269. A lengthy account, the "Trial of Elder Rigdon," is found in Times and
Seasons 5 (September 15, October I, and October 15, 1844):647-655, 660-667,
685-687.

³³Quinn, "The Mormon Succession Crisis of 1844," pp. 191-193; McKiernan,
The Voice of One Crying in the Wilderness, pp. 133-145. There is some evidence
that Sidney Rigdon (for a brief time in the fall of 1844) told his eastern followers
that he was the guardian of the church until Young Joseph was old enough to
assume the presidency. See Walter Wayne Smith, "Local Historians: Philadelphia
Branch," Journal of History 13 (October 1920):514, and Heman C. Smith,
"Succession in the Presidency," pp. 12-14.

³⁴HC 7:247.

³⁵Ibid., 7:247-265.

³⁶Entries for July 13, 14, and 15, 1844 in Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 33;
and Journal History, July 17, 1844. The letters of administration, signed by David
Greenleaf, Probate Justice of the Peace, are found in the Wilford C. Wood
Collection (microfilm at LDS Archives, Ms F 413, Reel 25).

³⁷Entry for August 8, 1844, Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 35.

³⁸Entry for August 15, 1844, Clayton, Secret Writings, pp. 35-36.

³⁹Entry for August 18, 1844, Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 37. As the
confrontation between Emma and the Twelve grew, the tangled nature of the
prophet's affairs was to be used as a weapon by both sides. An early example of
this occurred four days later. Daniel Spencer, the new mayor of Nauvoo, together
with the municipal marshal and treasurer, sent Emma a letter informing her that
John Robinson held a note from the city for $1,500, dated January 8, 1844, and
that her husband had kept $ 1,000 of that amount for his personal use, and that she
was, therefore, responsible for paying the $1,000. Daniel Spencer, John P.
Greene, and William Clayton to Emma Smith, August 22, 1844, Huntington
Library.

⁴⁰"On the trip to Quincy, see Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 33. Ralston's
advice is found in James H. Ralston to Emma Smith, August 20, 1844, Wilford C.
Wood Collection (microfilm at LDS Archives, Ms f 413, Reel 25).

⁴¹Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 37; cf. the entry for August 27, which speaks
of Sidney Rigdon, William Marks, and Emma Smith trying to draw off an
opposition party.

⁴²Dallin H. Oaks and Joseph I. Bentley, "Joseph Smith and Legal Process:
In the Wake of the Steamboat Nauvoo," Brigham Young University Law Review,
vol. 1976, p. 767. Originally, Emma Smith had posted bond for $2,000.On
September 11th, she was directed to enter into a new bond of $6,000, within five
days. Failing to do so, on September 18th, her letters of administration were
revoked, and the following day, Joseph W. Coolidge replaced her as administrator,
having entered into bond for $6,000. (See untitled typescript based on Hancock
County court records, Wilford C. Wood Collection, Ms f 413, Reel 10, LDS
Archives.) Emma's suspicion that someone was using political leverage to gain
control of the estate does not seem farfetched.

⁴³Memoirs, p. 38.

⁴⁴Ibid. In his autobiography, in Tullidge, p. 745, Joseph Smith III recalled
that repeated demands for his father's private papers, journals, and
correspondence brought an invariable denial, "and it was only with seeming
reluctance that some title deeds and unimportant papers were accorded" to his
mother. HC 7:260 records that on August 19, 1844, Apostle Willard Richards
called on Emma Smith, requesting that she turn over the manuscript of the
Inspired Translation of the Bible, but that she refused, stating that she "did not
feel disposed to give it up at present."

⁴⁵Memoirs, p. 27.

⁴⁶Ibid.

⁴⁷In his diary, Oliver Boardman Huntington, recorded that at the time of
David's birth, "it was intimated by old Mrs. Durphee and others that Joseph the
prophet, had said that he (David Hyram which name Joseph gave him before his
death) was to be the David the Bible speaks of to rule over Israel forever, which
David spok[en] of most people took to be old Kin[g] David." See "Diary of Oliver
Boardman Huntington," typescript, LDS Archives, p. 53.

⁴⁸On the Mansion House, Old Homestead, and Nauvoo House, see Vida E.
Smith, "Three Historic Old Nauvoo Homes," Autumn Leaves 19 (July 1906):296-
303; and by the same author, "A Historic Trio," Autumn Leaves 16 (March, April,
and June 1903): 104-106, 152-155, and 241 -244.

⁴⁹Paragraphs based upon "Diary of Oliver Boardman Huntington," pp. 22,
44, 51-53, LDS Archives. Typographical errors corrected in quotation.

⁵⁰James M. Monroe, "Journal," April 22-May 22, 1845 entries. Cf.
Memoirs, p. 13.

⁵¹ Joseph Smith III, "Rules of Behavior for Youth," January, 1845, Brigham
Young University. A notation in the manuscript-index reads: "Written by Joseph
Smith Jr. Copied by William Huntington, dated January 1845. From his diary. . . .
These rules based on George Washington's Rule of Civility." ("Joseph Smith, Jr."
was the name frequently given to Young Joseph after the death of his
grandfather.)

⁵²Memoirs, pp. 8-17.

⁵³lbid., p. I.

⁵⁴For important events which Young Joseph did not attend, see Memoirs,
pp. 27, 37. Cf. William Smith to James J. Strang, December 25, 1846, Quaife
Collection, Yale University (typescript at University of Utah), in which William
complains that Emma would not let Young Joseph have "any thing to do with
Mormonism at present . . . ."

⁵⁵"Lecture by Joseph Smith before the Men's League Sunday Afternoon,
Feb. 28, 1909," RLDS Archives.

⁵⁶Flanders, Nauvoo: Kingdom on the Mississippi, p. 218; Times and Seasons
5:632.

⁵⁷George Miller, Correspondence of Bishop George Miller with the
Northern Islander: From His First Acquaintance with Mormonism up to Near the
Close of His Life. Written by Himself in the Year 1855 (Burlington, Wisconsin?:
Wingfield Watson, 1916?), p. 23.

⁵⁸John D. Lee, Mormonism Unveiled; or the Life and Confessions of the
Late Mormon Bishop, John D. Lee (Written by Himself): Embracing a History of
Mormonism from Its Inception down to the Present Time, with an Exposition of
the Secret History, Signs, Symbols and Crimes of the Mormon Church. Also the
True Story of the Horrible Butchery Known As the Mountain Meadows Massacre
(St. Louis: Bryan, Brand & Company; New York: W. H. Stelle & Co., 1877), p.
155.

⁵⁹Ibid., p. 161-162. That this account is not simply a bitter invention of
Lee, designed to wound Brigham Young (whom he considered had abandoned him
to impending execution) is seen from an article entitled "Apostates' Last Hobby,"
New-York Messenger 2 (September 20, 1845):92. Here Parley P. Pratt condemned
George J. Adams' advocacy of Joseph Smith III, as jeopardizing the life of an
innocent lad to further Adams' own ambitions: "Little Joseph is not the secret
spring that incites to action, but my own dear self wants the power, and I must
make him my cat's paw to get it ... ." Pratt cautioned the church to be silent
about the matter and not to agitate the question. In due time, it was vaguely
promised, Young Joseph might be raised to a position of leadership, "at a proper
time when he who holds the keys to the Presidency shall be moved by the spirit of
God to make the proposition." At that time, he would be accepted by the
universal acclamation of the Saints, but until such a time, the Saints were
counselled to "be silent upon this subject .... If any speak before that time upon
these matters, and try to urge a premature action, he cannot be a saint."

⁶⁰Henry Brown, The History of Illinois, from Its First Discovery and
Settlement, to the Present Time (New-York: J. Winchester, New World Press,
1844), p. 489, states, '"The prophet,' it is said, has left a will or revelation
appointing a successor; and, among other things, it is stated that his son, a lad of
twelve years, is named therein as his successor. Of this, however, there is no
certainty." James Burgess, SH 5 (April 15, 1864):126, later recollected that when
he returned to Nauvoo in 1845, he found that several aspirants to leadership had
arisen, "but in the midst of this confusion and disorder there was an idea generally
entertained by the saints, that Joseph's oldest son was the one appointed to
succeed his father as President of the whole church, and in consequence of his
youth they saw no alternative but to wait until the time appointed by infinite
wisdom." Joseph Smith III, himself, later recalled that it was common knowledge
in Nauvoo that he had been designated his father's successor, and that Brigham
Young had quieted such talk by saying that it would lead to Young Joseph's
murder. See Joseph Smith III to A. V. Gibbons, June 1, 1893, LB #4, p. 392.

⁶¹ Flanders, Nauvoo: Kingdom on the Mississippi, pp. 320-322.

⁶²Juanita Brooks, John Doyle Lee: Zealot—Pioneer Builder—Scapegoat
(Glendale, California: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1962), pp. 64ff.

⁶³Quinn, "The Mormon Succession Crisis of 1844," p. 233. Quinn's
suggestion, however, that the course pursued by the Twelve, in assuming control
of the church's government, was likewise at the secret direction of Joseph Smith,
wherein he conferred authority "upon a select group of individuals without
previous public announcement or approval," is unconvincing. From the evidence
he himself presents in his masterful article, Quinn would do better to conclude
that Joseph Smith left a confused legacy concerning the succession, and that, in
the midst of a crisis, the Twelve hit upon a solution whereby to continue the
prophet's legacy. Whether Brigham Young's later policy toward the sons of the
prophet can be construed as "loyalty to Joseph Smith and his prophetic office" is a
moot question.

⁶⁴"This and the following paragraphs based upon Flanders, Nauvoo:
Kingdom on the Mississippi, pp. 323-329; Ford, History of Illinois, pp. 403-412.

⁶⁵One of the most graphic pictures of the mob's actions and the reaction of
Backenstos' posse is found in "The Life Record of Anson Call," pp. 31-34.

⁶⁶"The most complete study, to date, is found in Thurmon Dean Moody,
"Nauvoo's Whistling and Whittling Brigade," Brigham Young University Studies 15
(Summer 1975):480-490. Hosea Stout was chief of police in Nauvoo, at this time.
For a depiction, albeit a circumspect one, of the vigilance of the Nauvoo police,
see Hosea Stout, On the Mormon Frontier; The Diary of Hosea Stout 1844-1861,
ed. Juanita Brooks, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City:University of Utah Press and Utah
State Historical Society, 1964), 1:3-117.

⁶⁷Tullidge, p. 749; Stout, Diary, p. 49.

⁶⁸Q. B. Huntington, "Diary," p. 54; Smith, "What Do I Remember of
Nauvoo?," p. 338.

⁶⁹Memoirs, p. 38; Tullidge, pp. 746-747; Smith, "What Do I Remember of
Nauvoo?," pp. 338-339.
Joseph Smith III to Mrs. D. C. Chase, January 7, 1893, RLDS Archives,
remarked:

"Mother was a keen student of human character; was distrustful of Pres. B.
Young at quite an early period of their acquaintance. And after my father's
death, was put under a most tantalizing course of espionage by Pres Young during
the summer, fall and winter of 1845, and spring of 1846, and was roundly
denounced as an apostate, together with a number of others who realized the drift
of affairs."

⁷⁰Valeen Tippetts Avery and Linda King Newell, "The Lion and the Lady:
Brigham Young and Emma Smith," Utah Historical Quarterly 48 (Winter 1980):
81-97. While the argument of Avery and Newell, that theological, ethical, and
financial differences, rather than personal distaste for one another, led to the
rupture between Brigham and Emma, is persuasive, it requires slight modification.
Avery and Newell argued from silence that there was no evidence of longstanding
personal enmity between the two, antedating the introduction of plural marriage.
This assertion, however, is contradicted by Joseph Smith Ill's statement cited in n.
69.

⁷¹Monroe, "Journal," April 24, 1845.

⁷²Lucy Meserve Smith, "Historical Record of Lucy M. Smith," LDS
Archives, p. 18. Cf. her "Personal Letter," dated May 18, 1892, LDS Archives.
Interestingly, Lucy Meserve Smith records that one day when Julia Murdock Smith
was repeating some of her step-mother's hostile remarks about the Twelve,
"Joseph spoke up and said there are two in this family who will be sorry for going
on against the Twelve, as they do."

⁷³No credible documentary evidence exists that Brigham Young ever
proposed marriage to Emma Smith, although speculation existed. The muck-
raking writer, Stanley P. Hirschon, The Lion of the Lord: A Biography of Brigham
Young (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969), p. 225, n. I, can only cite an article in
the New York World, October 2, 1870, to support his contention that Emma Smith
spurned Brigham's advances. That Brigham Young would have married Emma, if
she had been receptive, seems likely. Whether a proposal was made before
relations became embittered seems utterly improbable, given the fact that Emma
was feuding with the Twelve before Brigham ever returned to Nauvoo, and that
things went from bad to worse after his return.

⁷⁴Linda King Newell and Valeen Tippetts Avery, "New Light on the Sun:
Emma Smith and the New York Sun Letter," Journal of Mormon History 6
(1979):23-35, is an authoritative treatment of the subject.

⁷⁵Tullidge, pp. 748-749.

⁷⁶Cf. Emma Smith's remarks in E. C. Briggs, "A Visit to Nauvoo in 1856,"
Journal of History 9 (October 1916):453.

⁷⁷Pratt, Autobiography, pp. 374-375. In the latter part of 1844, William
Smith composed treatises on "Spiritual Wife Doctrine Applied to the Millennium"
and "Plural Wife Doctrine As Practiced by the Ancient Prophets &c.," and
recorded them in his "Elders' Pocket Companion." These are printed in John K.
Sheen, Polygamy, or the Veil Lifted [York, Nebraska: John K. Sheen, 1889], pp.
15-21. That William Smith put theory into practice may be gathered by reading
between the lines in William Smith, Defence of Elder William Smith, against the
Slanders of Abraham Burtis, and Others; in Which Are Included Several
Certificates, and the Duties of Members of the Church of Christ, in Settling
Difficulties One with Another, According to the Law of God (Philadelphia:
Brown, Bicking & Guilbert, Printers, 1844). John Hardy recounted his own
excommunication for opposing William Smith on the question of polygamy, in
Boston during the fall of 1844. See his Starting Developments of Crim. Con.! or
Two Mormon Apostles Exposed, in Practising the Spiritual Wife System in Boston;
Consisting of the Trials of Elder John Hardy, Who Was Excommunicated from the
Mormon Church Worshiping in Suffolk Hall, for Exposing the Base and Licentious
"Teachings and Practices" of Elders G. J. Adams and William Smith, the
Particulars of Which Are Here Made Public (Boston; Conway and Company, 1844).
Information concerning William Smith's career is brought together in Irene
M. Bates, "William Smith, 1811-1893: Problematic Patriarch," Dialogue; A
Journal of Mormon Thought 16 (Summer 1983):11 1-23.

⁷⁸Monroe, "Journal," May 11, 1845.

⁷⁹Entry for May 23, 1845, Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 63. Cf. HC 7:417.
Adams is George J. Adams, who had been excommunicated April 10, 1845.
There were two reasons for his being cut off. First, there was his too open
practice of plural marriage in the east. Second, there was his advocacy of Joseph
Smith III as the proper successor of his father, whom he had witnessed anointed
and blessed by Joseph Smith, Jr., on January 17, 1844. Adams mentions this latter
difference with the Twelve in a letter to A. R. Tewkesbury, June 14, 1846, LDS
Archives: "i have suffered much persecution since i left Boston and much abuse
because i cant support the twelve as the first presidency i cant do it when i know
that it belongs to Josephs son—Young Joseph who was ordained by his father
before his Death—Brigham Young is a userper a tyrant and an Apostate but be
patiunt and all things will go well." On William's marriage, see the Nauvoo
Neighbor, July 2, 1845, and the sly remarks in the Warsaw Signal, July 2, 1845.
The Signal mentioned that the bride's age was sixteen.

⁸⁰HC 7:418; George A. Smith, "History of George Albert Smith 1814-1847,"
entry for May 24, 1845, University of Utah (photocopy).

⁸¹Quinn, "The Mormon Succession Crisis of 1844," pp. 201-202. E. Gary
Smith, "The Patriarch Crisis of 1845," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 16
(Summer 1983):24-36, points out the potential power latent in the patriarchal
office.

⁸²Monroe, "Journal," May 29, 1845.
In one incident, William claimed that the Nauvoo police threatened his life.
See William Smith, "Proclamation," Warsaw Signal. October 29, 1845; HC 7:428-
429; Stout, Diary, p. 49 (entry for June 25, 1845). William's letter to Brigham
Young, dated June 25, 1845, claiming his life was in danger, was copied into John
Taylor's journal. See John Taylor, "The John Taylor Nauvoo Journal: January
1845-September 1845," ed. Dean C. Jessee, Brigham Young University Studies 23
(Summer 1983):59-60. At a meeting that same evening Brigham Young intimidated
William into backing down from his incipient claims to preside over the church in
exchange for a promise of protection. Taylor, "Nauvoo Journal," pp. 61-62.
There was also conflict over an article appearing in the Times and Seasons.
See George A. Smith, "History," June 30, 1845, and Times and Seasons 6 (June 1,
1845):920-922. In this number of the church paper, editor John Taylor repudiated
statements made in the previous number (May 15, 1845, pp. 904-906), which were,
he said, the over-hasty composition of junior editor W. W. Phelps. The
controversial article, under the heading "Patriarchal," had called William Smith
Patriarch over the church. Taylor asserted that William was only Patriarch to the
church, and that the patriarchal office stood beneath the presidency.
Furthermore, taking aim at William's claims based on lineal descent, Taylor
argued that the office depended not so much on genealogy as on calling, order,
and seniority. He pointedly observed that, after the crucifixion, Peter presided
over the church, not one of Christ's brothers. (An abbreviated version of Phelps'
offending article appeared in the Nauvoo Neighbor, June 11, 1845. Taylor's
rebuttal also was printed in the Neighbor of June 25th.)

⁸³Monroe, "Journal," May 30, 1845.

⁸⁴Ibid., entry for June 24, 1845, p. 65.

⁸⁵Lucy Mack Smith, "Blessing of Joseph Smith 3rd," Summer of 1845, LDS
Archives. Cf. n. 59.

⁸⁶Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 66; George A. Smith, "History," June 28,
1845; Quinn, "The Mormon Succession Crisis of 1844, p. 203, n. 45.
Lucy Mack Smith's three visions were copied into John Taylor's journal.
See Taylor, "Nauvoo Journal," pp. 63-64 (entry for June 27, 1845). Until the
recent publication of Taylor's journal, the visions were only available to general
scholars in B. H. Roberts, Succession in the Presidency of the Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints, 2nd ed. (Salt Lake City; Geo. Q. Cannon & Sons
Publishing Company, 1900), pp. 22-24.

⁸⁷On William's position, see Clayton, Secret Writings, pp. 84ff, and Taylor,
"Nauvoo Journal," pp. 65-68 (entry for June 30, 1845).

⁸⁸Clayton, Secret Writings, p. 66; George A. Smith, "History," July 9, 1845;
HC 7:433; "Still Later from Nauvoo," New-York Messenger 2 (August 2, 1845):38;
and Taylor, "Nauvoo Journal," p. 77 (entry for July 9, 1845).

⁸⁹William Smith to "Bro Little," August 20, 1845, typescripts at Utah State
Historical Society and University of Utah.

⁹⁰HC 7:434; also entry for August 2, 1845 in Clayton, Secret Writings, p.
68.

⁹¹Clayton, Secret Writings, pp. 69-70; Stout, Diary, pp. 57-58. John Taylor
unsuccessfully attempted to get William to moderate his preaching. See Taylor,
"Nauvoo Journal," pp. 83-84 (entry for August 5, 1845).

⁹²William Smith to "Bro Robbins," October 5, 1845, William Smith Papers,
LDS Archives, as quoted in Donna Hill, Joseph Smith, p. 425. On William Smith's
stay with George J. Adams, see George A. Smith, "History," September 26, 1845.
William's sister Katharine later claimed that William's life had been threatened:
"my folks and myself and husband did not believe in Brigham taking Joseph [sic]
place and they sought to take the life of my brother William and also my husband
and they had to leave the city to save their lives . . . ." Katharine Salisbury to
"Dear friend," February 26, 1889, RLDS Archives. A similar account is found in
Mary B. Smith Norman to Ina Coolbrith, March 27, 1908 and April 24, 1908, RLDS
Archives.

⁹³HC 7:458-460, 470-472, 483; Times and Seasons 6 (November 1,
1845): 1008-1009, 1013-1014.

⁹⁴A Proclamation," Warsaw Signal, October 29, 1845; William Smith's
untitled letter in the Warsaw Signal, November 26, 1845.

⁹⁵William Smith to Emma Smith, "the 21st," 1845, LDS Archives. On
William's sexual conduct in St. Louis, see Gene A. Sessions, Mormon Thunder: A
Documentary History of Jedediah Morgan Grant (Urbana: University of Illinois
Press, 1982), p. 54.

⁹⁶HC 7:454-455.
533

⁹⁷Hill, Joseph Smith, p. 435.

⁹⁸Benjamin F. Johnson, "A Life Review," LDS Archives, p. 103, stated: "I
was appointed with Bp. N. K. Whitney, to visit Sister Emma for the last time, and
if possible persuade her to remain with the Church. Nearly all night we labored
with her, and she would be the leading spirit. And so we left her. And she did
lead all who would follow her so long as she lived."

Both RLDS and LDS sources indicate that substantial inducements were
offered to her if she would go west with the Saints. Mary Audentia Smith
Anderson, "Lucy Mack Smith and the Latter Day Saints, Journal of History 16
(January 1923):8, states concerning her grandmother, Emma Smith: "Flattery,
promises of ease, luxury, wealth, when found to be unavailing, were followed by
threats, persecutions, and humiliating espionage." Joseph Fielding Smith, Life of
Joseph F. Smith, p. 130, states that his grandmother, Mary Fielding Smith
received no such offers of assistance as were made to Emma Smith: "President
Brigham Young had made every effort by promise of extended help to Emma
Smith, widow of the Prophet, to aid her to make the journey west with the exiled
Saints; but all such offers were haughtily refused. . . . Such extended help was not
offered to the widow of Hyrum Smith."

The Twelve also wished to disinter her husband's remains and bury them in
the "Tomb of Joseph," according to his wishes. Emma Smith refused. See Times
and Seasons 6 (November 1, 1845): 1014.

⁹⁹Memoirs, pp. 28-29.

¹⁰⁰Ibid.,pp.30-31.

¹⁰¹HC 7:605; William J. Peterson, "Mormon Trails in Iowa," The Palimpsest
47 (September 1966):356-357.

¹⁰²James B. Allen and Glen M. Leonard, The Story of the Latter-day
Saints, p. 221.

¹⁰³Tippets and Avery, "The Lion and the Lady," p. 95. Others shared the
perception that Emma Smith was well-to-do. W. E. Matlack, recently arrived in
the city, described her as a wealthy hotel owner. He also mentioned that the
Mansion House enjoyed a "constant influx of strangers" which kept it perpetually
filled. He also took notice of Emma's plans to rent the hotel, in May, and "retire
to her private residence, on the banks of the river, and devote her time to the
education of her children." See "Local Affairs," Hancock Eagle, April 10, 1846.

¹⁰⁴"Local Affairs" column, Hancock Eagle, April 10 and 24, May 29, June
5, 1846.

¹⁰⁵"Local Affairs," Hancock Eagle, June 26, 1846; Charles Lanman, "The
Nauvoo Exodus, by a Visitor," Journal of History 16 (April 1923):246-249.
Lanman's article is reprinted from Appleton's Literary Miscellany, 1847.

¹⁰⁶Ford, History of Illinois, pp. 414-415. Ford ascribed the vote for the
Democrats as an act of gratitude to James K. Polk after the enlistment of the
Mormon Battalion.

¹⁰⁷Ibid.,pp.416-417.

¹⁰⁸Smith, "What Do I Remember of Nauvoo?," p. 340.

¹⁰⁹Ford, History of Illinois, p. 417.

¹¹⁰Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Utah: 1540-1886. vol. 26: The Works
of Hubert Howe Bancroft (San Francisco: The History Company, Publishers,
1889), p. 229; Hiram G. Ferris to John T. Barnett, September 13, 1846, C-B 307,
Bancroft Library (photograph of original in private possession).

¹¹¹Joseph Smith III, Memoirs, p. 39, seems to imply that the rental
occurred just prior to the departure from Nauvoo, but this is inaccurate. Notices
in the Hancock Eagle (April 24 and May 1, 1846) prove that Van Tuyl had occupied
the Mansion since May 1, 1846. Perhaps a formal lease was signed in September.

¹¹²Smith, "What Do I Remember of Nauvoo?," pp. 341-342; Memoirs, p. 39.
Uncle Toby is spelled variously by Joseph Smith III in his writings. George B.
Merrick, Old Times on the Upper Mississippi: The recollections of a Steamboat
Pilot from 1854 to 1863 (Cleveland; Arthur H. dark Company 1909), p. 291 gives
the correct spelling, based on written records. This work also lists George B. Cole
as captain of the vessel in 1846. Joseph Smith III recollected the captain's name
as "Grimes."

¹¹³Ford, History of Illinois, pp. 423-424; Hill, Joseph Smith, p. 437.
Concerning the efforts of the negotiating committee from Quincy, see Henry
Asbury, Reminiscences of Quincy, Illinois, Containing Historical Events,
Anecdotes, Matters Concerning Old Settlers and Old Times, etc. (Quincy, Illinois:
D. Wilcox & Sons, Printers, 1882), pp. 162-169.

¹¹⁴Ford, History of Illinois, pp. 424-426.

¹¹⁵Ibid., pp. 426-436.