Joseph Smith had been murdered! Reports of his death had reached his home at Nauvoo, Illinois, during the night of June 27, 1844. As dawn broke through the darkness, the following morning, a dozen or so men already had gathered in the Mansion House, the prophet's elegant residence overlooking the Mississippi River. Everyone wondered whether the reports could be true. Had not the governor of Illinois just left the city, after counselling the Latter Day Saints that their only safety lay in obedience to law? Would the Anti-Mormons be so rash as to kill the prophet while Governor Ford was in Nauvoo, surrounded by Mormons who might take him captive or kill him, in retaliation? Had not the governor left armed militiamen guarding the jail in which Joseph Smith was housed at Carthage? No one could be certain of the truth of the reports.

As the men continued their discussion, a messenger rode up to the Mansion House. His name was Arza Adams, and he carried a terse note signed by the two survivors of the lynching;

W. RICHARDS.
JOHN TAYLOR.¹

The note was not completely accurate in its details. Willard Richards had deliberately minimized the extent of John Taylor’s wounds in order not to create additional alarm. The murderers were citizens of Hancock County, Illinois, not the prophet's old enemies from Missouri. And the killers would hardly flee toward Nauvoo, where the city's famous militia, the Nauvoo Legion, resided. But the message put to rest any doubt about the essential fact: Joseph Smith, Jr. and his brother Hyrum were dead, cut down in the prime of life. Later in the morning a second message arrived from Carthage:

WILLARD RICHARDS,
JOHN TAYLOR,
SAMUEL H. SMITH.²

Joseph Smith III was among the onlookers as various friends and officials entered and departed the Mansion. The eleven and one-half year old lad's world had been shattered. Young Joseph was witnessing events which would shape his life inexorably and in ways which his young mind could little imagine. The sudden and unexpected death of his father was to leave him a central figure in the question of succession to his father's office. And the deep-seated enmity which was to develop between his mother, Emma Smith, and the man who would assume control of the church's affairs, Brigham Young, was to color his life for years to come. But none of this could have been on Young Joseph's mind. He was a boy, a boy suddenly without his father! He later recalled the scene as his grief-stricken mother sat in the living room of the Mansion House. Sitting with her were her four children: Julia Murdock Smith, her adopted thirteen-year old daughter; eleven-year old Joseph; eight-year old Frederick; and six-year old Alexander. Joseph recounted that his mother was overwhelmed with grief, and that the children stood by,

. . . sympathizing as children will without fairly comprehending the importance of such an event. I remember the hours of seclusion of the family from intrusion, the gloom and the dread of the time, awaiting until the bodies were brought home . . . .³

Nauvoo became a city in mourning as the news spread. At 2:30 P.M., two wagons entered the city, bearing the corpses of the brothers Joseph and Hyrum Smith. They had been covered with foliage and placed in makeshift coffins, to protect them from the hot summer's sun, during the slow 18-mile trek from Carthage to Nauvoo. The small procession was met at Mullholland Street by a large crowd of dignitaries and citizens. Amidst a scene of lamentation, the procession slowly moved toward the Mansion House, where the remains of Joseph and Hyrum were deposited and the doors immediately closed. The people were told that the bodies could be viewed the next day.

The throng of mourners, estimated at ten thousand, was addressed by several dignitaries from a platform erected across the road from the Mansion on the south side of Water Street. From the house, Young Joseph watched the assembled multitude and the speakers. He particularly remembered seeing Dr. Willard Richards upon the platform, when Richards counselled the people to keep the peace and to trust to legal redress for their wrongs, but the lad did not go outside to hear the speech.

The bodies were not viewed by the family immediately. Several trusted friends first washed them thoroughly and placed cotton, soaked in camphor, into the wounds. They were then dressed and laid out for viewing. Now came a tremendously emotional scene. The families of Joseph and Hyrum Smith were admitted to see the bodies. Emma Smith, who was midway through a pregnancy, upon first seeing Joseph's body, screamed and fell back, but was caught and supported by Dimick B. Huntington. She then fell forward to his face, kissed him, called him by name, and begged him to speak to her. Her son Joseph later recalled:

After leaning over the coffin, she placed her hand upon the cheek of my father, and in grief-stricken accents said, "Oh; Joseph; 0 my husband; my husband; have they taken you from me at last;" Friendly hands ministered to us, and mother was assisted to her room again . . . .⁴

Other relatives and close friends were permitted to view the remains during the evening.⁵ The plural wives of Joseph and Hyrum Smith had to be content to mourn their loss, unacknowledged publicly as wives. Joseph Smith III, who in his maturity denied that his father practiced polygamy, took solace in this in his old age:

In view of the contention of President Brigham Young and those afterward with him in the exodus to the West, and the charge made by the enemies of my father and the opposers to the faith, it is a source of gratification to me now to remember that no other woman bowed beside the bodies of these brothers, as they were waiting the passing of the last rites which the living could pay to the dead, as wives to mourn and exhibit their grief before relatives and friends, save my mother at my father's side, and Aunt Mary at the side of my Uncle Hyrum. The scene was sacred to their grief and theirs alone.⁶

On June 29th, the bodies were placed on public display in the Mansion House. At eight in the morning, the multitude of heavy-hearted Saints began filing past the coffins. On and on they came, until the doors were finally closed at five in the afternoon. Now the families were admitted for a last look at Joseph and Hyrum. The bodies were then hidden in a side bedroom, and boxes filled with sandbags were nailed up, carried to the graveyard, and deposited there in a mock-burial. Young Joseph did not join the funeral procession, which followed the hearse from the Mansion House to the graveyard for the "burial." Around midnight, the coffins containing the actual bodies were secretly taken from the Mansion, carried a short distance to the partially completed Nauvoo House, and buried in the basement. Fears were entertained that the prophet's body might fall into the hands of his enemies.⁷

In the wake of the killings, Nauvoo was a city devastated with grief. As for the non-Mormons of Hancock County, Illinois, they initially feared retaliation. In fact, the city of Carthage had been evacuated hastily, after the murders, when a false rumor was received that the Mormons were marching in force upon the city. After the initial fears of civil war had subsided, a shocked calm prevailed. There was a respite in Anti-Mormon activities. It would be some time before the inveterate enemies of the Latter Day Saints, such as Thomas Sharp, the fire- eating publisher of the Warsaw Signal, again could raise widespread public clamor against the Saints. Besides, the harvest season was approaching, and many of the "mobocrats" of Hancock County had to be busy about their farms.⁸

If the killers had hoped that killing the Mormon prophet would spell the end of Mormonism, they were mistaken. The church now had a martyr. Converts continued to swell the Mormon ranks in Hancock County, and Gentile fears and envy would not remain dormant for a long time. The cessation in hostilities was merely the calm before the storm.⁹

In Nauvoo, the initial shock of the tragedy at Carthage did not last forever. Within a week, contention was beginning to surface inside the city. This contention centered around two basic questions: the prophet's financial affairs and his successor.

Joseph Smith's church was hierarchical. "The whole structure of authority was geared to Smith's pre-eminence as charismatic leader .... Furthermore, the assassination was almost totally unexpected . . . ."¹⁰ The problem of a suddenly headless hierarchy was compounded by the absence of most of the leading elders of the church. Of the prophet's associates in the First Presidency, William Law had apostatized, and Sidney Rigdon was in semi-exile in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles—the quorum ranking next in authority to the First Presidency—only two members were in Nauvoo. The other ten had been dispatched to the eastern states to promote Joseph Smith, Jr.'s campaign for president of the United States. Of the two apostles in the city, John Taylor lay gravely wounded, leaving only Dr. Willard Richards able to exercise any responsibility for leadership. The church could not long function without someone at its head. Apostle Richards was determined to see that his quorum assumed leadership. To this end, he set about waging a rear-guard action to delay all major decisions until key members of the Twelve could return and assert their supremacy. Richards, therefore, was in no hurry to reach any final decisions concerning the prophet's estate or the naming of a successor.¹¹

Joseph Smith left a tangled web of financial confusion when he died, intestate, in the prime of manhood. His personal finances were so intertwined with those of the church that it took years of legal wrangling to unknot the confusion. The prophet had acted as "Trustee-in-Trust" for the church, and much church property had been deeded to him in that capacity. The prophet, in his mind, may have known which parcels belonged to the church and which did not, but if the deeds failed to spell matters out, the opportunity for misunderstanding was almost limitless. Also, in his capacity as Trustee, he had borrowed substantial sums of money. Again, if the notes did not specify that the debts were the church's, disputes were almost inevitable. Emma Smith early moved to protect her rights to the estate. She had spent considerable time assisting her husband with financial matters, and she now recognized some of the difficulties she would face. Accordingly, she called in James W. Woods as legal council.¹² July 3rd and 4th she spent going over the books with lawyer Woods and William Clayton, the prophet's secretary. After two days of examination, Clayton recorded that the situation appeared gloomy. "The property," he wrote, "is chiefly in the name of the Trustee in Trust while the obligations are considered personal." Furthermore, he worried that any show of dispute over the estate would bring a hord of creditors down upon it all at once, and "use up all the property there is." Not only that, but Woods had concluded that title to property recorded in the Nauvoo Recorder's Office might be clouded, and all such property should be recorded again at the county seat, Carthage, presumably in Emma Smith's name. ¹³

In order to secure her rights to Joseph Smith's estate, Emma needed to have a friendly person acting as Trustee-in-Trust for the church. If the Trustee were unsympathetic to her claims, she would be in a vulnerable position. Accordingly, she urged that her friend and confidant, William Marks, be appointed to that office. Marks held the prestigious position of president of the Nauvoo Stake, and initially Emma's suggestion found favor with William Clayton, Alpheus Cutler, and Reynolds Cahoon. However, others were not of like mind. Willard Richards prevailed with his argument that no such important decision should be made while most of the leading elders were absent from Nauvoo. ^I4

While Emma Smith—a widow with four dependent children and another expected in the fall—was intent upon protecting her financial rights, others were more concerned with the larger question of ecclesiastical control. At least in matters financial, the laws of the state of Illinois would eventually determine the division of the estate. But what of matters spiritual? Here, also, the prophet had left a clouded legacy. Over the course of his career, he had designated a variety of successors or methods of succession to the presidency. ¹⁵ Some of the persons so designated had fallen into disfavor. Later designations had superceded earlier ones. In all, the question of succession was left in a state of confusion. No revelation had been canonized spelling out precisely what was to be done upon the prophet's demise. Evidence indicates that Joseph Smith intended that leadership of the church finally should devolve upon his eldest son, with interim leadership exercised by another during the boy's minority. However, the prophet had made a sufficient number of differing statements during his career, that there was no consensus or clear understanding concerning what exactly should be done.

When the ruler of a state dies without a clearly designated successor, or a generally accepted scheme of succession, a struggle for power generally ensues. This is precisely what occurred in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. The problem was compounded by the absence of most of the leading elders. There was a vacuum of power in Nauvoo, Mormondom's capital city. Within the city, speculation was rife. Perhaps four or five potential successors to the prophet had been discussed by leaders then in the city within a fortnight of Joseph Smith's death. ¹⁶

The first possible successor to receive consideration was William Marks. Emma Smith favored Marks. The justification for Marks succeeding to the presidency of the church was that he was the officer next in line of command, being the president of the High Council in Zion. This reasoning held that the Quorum of Twelve held missionary authority only, presiding over the branches in the world, but holding no authority over the church as a whole or within Nauvoo, a stake of Zion. It also held that Sidney Rigdon was simply a counselor to the president and held no power in his own right. Whatever the theoretical justification for favoring Marks, there were practical considerations: Marks was in Nauvoo and able to take control immediately, Marks was a trusted friend of Emma Smith, and Marks had been one of a handful of leading elders who had withstood Joseph Smith on the subject of polygamy. This last consideration qualified Marks in Emma Smith's eyes in a way like no other candidate (including her brother-in-law, William Smith).¹⁷ In the week following the assassination, Emma was able to convince a few of the leading elders that Marks was the rightful successor, but her success was only temporary. There is no evidence that William Marks himself strongly aspired to the leadership of the church. More importantly, his opposition to the prophet's teaching of plural marriage disqualified him in the eyes of those leading elders who loyally embraced the principle as an integral part of the restored Gospel. On July 12th, William Clayton, who had been working closely with Emma Smith for the past fortnight and had fallen temporarily under her influence, was approached by Bishop Newel K. Whitney. Whitney reasoned against the appointment of Marks as follows:

He referred ... to the fact of Marks being with Law & Emma in opposition to Joseph & the quorum.—And if Marks is appointed Trustee our spiritual blessings will be destroyed inasmuch as he is not favorable to the most important matters[.] ¹⁸

That evening, the leading elders then present in Nauvoo held a council. It was concluded that the Trustee should of necessity be the president of the church, and Emma Smith's plan for the immediate appointment of a trustee (Marks) was therefore rejected. With this decision of an informal council, hopes that Marks might lead the church effectively were dashed. The elders felt they had no authority to act unilaterally. Willard Richards' policy of delay was succeeding.

In the coming weeks, Emma Smith was busily involved in matters relating to the estate of her late husband. But there is no evidence that she actively played any further role in the succession-struggle. The possibility of her playing the role of "king-maker" depended solely upon prestige. She could not hope to win over those leading elders who already had embraced polygamy, and with every passing day the possibility of her influencing the succession grew more dim. Some writers have suggested that she advocated the succession of her son, Joseph III, to the presidency. There is no evidence extant to support this view. ¹⁹ Her silence concerning what became, in later years, a partisan cry ("the lineal rights of Joseph Smith III") is not so surprising under the circumstances. Her husband had just been murdered in cold blood, and the threat from Anti-Mormon forces was very real. To advocate her son's "rights" would expose him to potential danger. Furthermore, should Young Joseph be groomed for the presidency under the tutelage of the leading elders, he would be indoctrinated to believe in plural marriage. Her later course of action demonstrated that this possibility was anathema to her. Emma Smith's only hope lay in swiftly securing the presidency for an opponent of polygamy. Failing at that, she could only watch the power- struggle from the sidelines, keep silent about her son's claims, and look to her family's financial interests.

The next prospective president of the church to be removed from consideration was the prophet's brother, Samuel Smith. Bishop Whitney had informed William Clayton that the late prophet had said that "if he and Hyrum were taken away Samuel H. Smith would be his successor."²⁰ Lucy Mack Smith, the aged mother of the prophet, was already urging Samuel's right to the patriarchal office and to financial support from the church.²¹ Prior to June 27, 1844, there were four living Smith brothers: Hyrum (b. 1800), Joseph (b. 1805), Samuel (b. 1808), and William (b. 1811). Joseph had told Bishop Whitney that if the two oldest brothers—Hyrum and himself—were removed, the principle of lineal succession would place Samuel next in line of authority, at least during the minority of Joseph Smith III. Samuel H. Smith's claims to the presidency were never to receive consideration, however. At the time of the killings in Carthage, he had made a perilous escape from the mob. He never recovered from the over- exertion of that night, and died on July 30th. This left only one living Smith brother, William, and he was in the East, far from Nauvoo. Willard Richards- intent on securing authority for the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, had written a letter which warned that William Smith's life was in danger if he returned to Hancock County. William remained in the East. In time, William Smith would assert his rights to the presidency, but that would not be for another year.²² As word of the prophet's death reached the scattered leaders, they hurried back to Nauvoo. The vacuum of power in the city was about to be transformed, and a struggle for power between the two chief contenders, Sidney Rigdon and Brigham Young, was about to commence.

Sidney Rigdon, the only remaining member of the First Presidency, was living in semi-exile in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.²³ Learning of the assassination, he hastened to Nauvoo to press his claims for leadership. On August 3rd, he arrived in Nauvoo. He had been preceeded by Apostles Parley P. Pratt (July 10th) and George A. Smith (July 28th). They, together with Willard Richards, attempted to negotiate with Rigdon, but he spurned them. Sidney Rigdon had not returned to Nauvoo to become one cog in the machinery of collective leadership. He did not desire to share power but to claim the throne. His avowed intention was to present himself to the Saints as "Guardian" of the church; he claimed to have received a vision on the day of Joseph Smith's demise, instructing him to step forward in this manner.²⁴

On Sunday, August Ath, Sidney Rigdon preached to a large gathering of Saints. This was his great opportunity, and he knew that he had to muster all of his legendary oratorical skills to enlist the assembly under his banner.

Rigdon claimed, in his sermon, that the ancient prophets had spoken of him as a leader of God's people in the last days. Preaching upon the text, "For my thoughts are not as your thoughts, neither are your ways my ways, saith the Lord," he developed his favorite apocalyptic themes: the time was nigh when God's enemies would be overthrown, when blood would be up to the horses' bridles, and when he, Sidney Rigdon, would lead the armies of God. One of his listeners recalled him saying:

The captain of Jehovah's hosts was the logical leader of the church. Rigdon specifically justified his presidential claims by legal analogy: the church was now fourteen years old and had a right to choose its own guardian. Lest there be any doubt, he informed his listeners that it had been made known to him that he was the man.²⁵

Following the sermon, a hundred or so persons gathered around Rigdon's house to receive further instruction about the impending great battle. In the evening he ordained and commissioned captains and generals for the apocalyptic struggle, and kings and emperors to rule over the nations during the millennium.²⁶

Apparently William Marks had never possessed any burning desire to head the church. He now threw his support to Sidney Rigdon, who had also resisted the prophet's polygamous teachings.²⁷ William Marks made a public announcement of a special meeting to be held on the 8th, for the purposes of choosing a "Guardian" for the church. Rigdon was pushing for a rapid decision, before Brigham Young could return to Nauvoo. Those of the Twelve who were in Nauvoo argued for delay. But how could they prevent the people from assembling to hear a counselor in the First Presidency speak?

How many times has the course of history hinged upon timing, when a slight delay might have altered its course? Perhaps this was such a moment. Apostle Brigham Young arrived in Nauvoo just in time to oppose Rigdon's schemes, arriving on the evening of August 6th, together with Apostles Heber C. Kimball, Lyman Wight, Orson Pratt, and Wilford Woodruff. Nine of the Twelve Apostles were now in Nauvoo. The timing seemed providential to Rigdon's opponents.

Immediately Brigham Young, President of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, challenged Rigdon in a general council, on August 7th. Rigdon presented his claims, based on a command received in a vision. Young then spoke. "I do not care who leads the Church, even though it were Ann Lee," he declared, "but one thing I must know, and that is what God says about it. I have the keys and the means of obtaining the mind of God on the subject."²⁸

Thursday, August 8th, come. Sidney Rigdon's conference was held as scheduled. But instead of a coronation, it was to be his requiem. Rigdon spoke from 10:00 to 11:30 A.M., advancing his claims before the assembled multitude. When he had finished, Brigham Young arose. Instead of rebutting Rigdon's arguments, he adjourned the meeting. In the afternoon, after the effects of Rigdon's oratory had cooled, Young replied to his claims.²⁹ He clearly contrasted Rigdon's claims to lead the church with those of the Twelve, stating,

The Twelve are appointed by the finger of God. Here is Brigham, have his knees ever faltered? Have his lips ever quivered? Here is Heber and the rest of the Twelve, an independent body who have the keys of the priesthood—the keys of the kingdom of God to deliver to all the world: this is true, so help me God. They stand next to Joseph, and are as the First Presidency of the Church.³⁰

Brigham Young's address was lengthy. It had its desired effect. His remarks were:

a masterful mixture of indirect references to Rigdon's exile and former instability, affirmations of the acknowledged authority given by Joseph Smith to the Quorum of the Twelve, appeals to the Mormons to retain stability in the Church by relying on established authorities rather than appointing new ones, and warnings about the consequences of not following the Twelve Apostles.³¹

Other speakers followed, supporting the leadership of the Twelve. Brigham Young had not claimed to take the fallen prophet's place. He merely claimed to stand in the place in which Joseph had placed him, holding the keys , with which he proposed to go on building up the kingdom. Here were no radical claims; Brigham Young simply appealed to the people to uphold the constituted authorities. When Brigham concluded his speech, Sidney Rigdon sensed that he was a defeated man, and he declined to speak again. The conference voted to sustain the Twelve Apostles as the presiding authority in the church. Perhaps twenty persons dared to cast dissenting votes.

Rigdon remained in Nauvoo until the fall, trying to rally his supporters within the city. His was a losing rear-guard action, however. Brigham Young was taking control of the church's administrative machinery, step by step. On September 8, 1844, Rigdon was tried for opposing the authority of the Twelve. It was voted that he be "cut off from the Church, and delivered over to the buffetings of Satan."³²

Sidney Rigdon retreated to the friendlier regions of Pennsylvania. Here he established a rival ecclesiastical organization, with himself as president. His new publication, the Latter Day Saints' Messenger and Advocate, attacked the Twelve and "moral corruption" in Nauvoo. It was claimed that Joseph Smith, Jr. had appointed Sidney his successor, and that Joseph had been a fallen prophet since around 1841, clandestinely practicing polygamy. For a time, Rigdonism posed a threat to the leadership of the Twelve in the east, where Sidney Rigdon had his roots, but by 1846 his movement was collapsing. His own instability, eccentricity, and lack of balanced judgment were largely responsible. His rash prophecies failed of fulfillment. His claims that Joseph Smith was a fallen prophet were not apologetically attractive. His scheme for "gathering" his followers proved abortive. Finally Sidney Rigdon retired into semi-seclusion at Friendship, New York, where he died in 1876. Through the remainder of the 1840s through the 1870s, an indefatigable spokesman, Stephen Post, conducted a largely vain crusade to gather proselytes to the banner of Rigdonism, until his own death in 1879.³³

After the conference of August 8, 1844, there was finally a clear line of authority in Nauvoo. The Quorum of the Twelve Apostles was in control. The very next day, the question of a trustee was resolved. Bishops Newel K. Whitney and George Miller were appointed joint Trustees and instructed to settle the affairs of the late Trustee-in-Trust, Joseph Smith.³⁴

A stream of decisions soon began to issue from the church's new leadership. Elders were appointed to missions; vacancies were filled; construction of the Temple and Nauvoo House was pushed forward; and firmer organizational control was established over the United States. (The Twelve already had supervisory control of foreign missions.) Baptisms for the dead were resumed, upon instructions of Brigham Young. He assumed command of the Nauvoo Legion, with Joseph Smith's rank, lieutenant general. Significantly, in a council on August 27th, it was decided to "carry out all the views of our martyred prophet," the apostles feeling "very spirited on the subject." Several of the apostles—including Brigham Young—had already taken plural wives at the prophet's behest. There would be no turning back from this yet-secret teaching.³⁵

Emma Smith had been frustrated in her attempts to gain unilateral control over her husband's estate, when her plan to place an ally in the office of Trustee- in-Trust was rejected. Even before the return of Brigham Young to Nauvoo, her future relations with the church authorities looked stormy. She felt that Willard Richards, Parley P. Pratt, and W. W. Phelps, the triumvirate then pushing the interests of the Twelve in Nauvoo, were abusing and trampling upon her interests. On July 13th, she had threatened, if a favorable Trustee were not appointed, that she would do the church all the injury she could by retaining church property in her own name. Determined to control her own financial destiny, she unilaterally drove to the county seat, on July 17th, and obtained letters of administration as administratrix of Joseph Smith's estate. She was accompanied by her lawyer, James W. Woods, and her nephew, Lorenzo Wasson.³⁶

One of the first things done by Brigham Young after his return was to attempt to establish better relations with the prophet's widow. Apostle Heber C. Kimball, Brigham Young's alter ego, paid her a fence-mending visit on August 8th, bringing Willard Richards and William Clayton with him. He there and then paid her $1,000 which had been in dispute, and "bore testimony to her of the good feelings of the Twelve toward her." Emma's feelings were assuaged, for the moment.

The entente cordiale lasted only a week. Advised by her lawyer, on August 15th, the new administratrix demanded of the church a lengthy accounting of her late husband's financial transactions, to include a list of:

Emma Smith and her lawyer also demanded to see the papers relating to title to the little steamboat, Maid of Iowa. Basically, lawyer Woods, through Emma, was demanding to see all of the church's financial records, to determine precisely which items of property were held in the name of Joseph Smith, and whether they were held in his name only, or in his name as "Trustee-in-Trust" for the church. This in itself was threatening enough, but the demand could lay all of the church's financial doings open to inspection. William Clayton refused to open the books. Instead, he went to see Brigham Young, who counselled him to continue to refuse all such demands.

Later that day, Clayton and Emma conversed some more on the subject. Emma stated that there must be "no secrets," and that the church " must keep [nothing] back from the public." She wanted an immediate settlement. Clayton replied that there were many things which he was unwilling to publicize about the church's affairs. The conversation grew extremely heated. Emma demanded a public accounting. Clayton asked if she really wanted all of the church's affairs opened to public scrutiny. As he recorded in his journal, the debate fairly raged:

The argument continued. Clayton tried to make peace with the prophet's widow, but she would have none of it. She continued to threaten and abuse him. Clayton was in despair at the end of the interview. Emma was in a position to do the church much damage, both financially and by revealing the "secret things" of the church. He concluded that she was blind to her own best interests, did not know who her true friends were, was "putting her life into the hands of traitors and murderers," and could do great harm to the church. But when he faithfully reported the whole conversation to Brigham Young, Brigham seemed unperturbed.³⁸

By August 18th, Emma's relations with William Clayton, who formerly had been of great assistance in handling the paperwork relating to the estate, were frigid. Clayton was by now receiving his instructions from Brigham Young, who cautioned him to be very careful in dealing with her. Finding him uncooperative, Emma resorted to verbal abuse, threats, and charges of wronging her out of her rightful possessions.³⁹

During her husband's lifetime, Emma Smith had been accustomed to conducting many of the family's business affairs, and she did not propose to lose her independence now that she was a widow. One property which the prophet had left to her oversight was the Cleveland farm, near Quincy. At the end of July, she had traveled to Quincy to inquire about her interests there. On August 20th, James H. Ralston, a lawyer whom she had consulted concerning the title to the farm, reported upon the results of his title search. He suggested that she, not the church, might hold the title, because the conveyance of Joseph and Emma Smith to Joseph Smith, Trustee-in-Trust for the church (in 1841), was illegal. He pointed out that Illinois law prohibited churches from owning real estate other than for church-grounds and burying-grounds. Ralston also urged his widowed client to look well to her own legal interests, "for the comity of interest & indulgent consideration which existed between yourself & the late Head of the Church will not be always found in those who may succeed him." His immediate advice was to negotiate a new lease with her tenant on the Cleveland farm before any of the ecclesiastical authorities were in a position to challenge her right to do so.⁴⁰ This particular piece of property was only one of many with unclear titles, but the advice which Emma Smith received reinforced her own inclination to preserve her own interests and those of her children. Significantly, Ralston's letter suggested that she possessed one tremendously powerful "ace-in-the-hole"— the Illinois statute limiting ecclesiastical holding of property—which might be played against the church's hierarchy at a critical moment. This is precisely what happened some years later.

Emma Smith seems to have flirted briefly with the idea of supporting the claims of Sidney Rigdon, whom William Marks was still supporting in late August. But nothing more is heard of this following a meeting of the Twelve on August 29th. Here William Marks and Sidney Rigdon were summoned to appear and answer charges. Marks came; Rigdon did not. Marks saw the handwriting on the wall and totally recanted, lamely denying that he had been supporting Rigdon clandestinely. He frankly admitted that he did not agree with all that the Twelve had been doing, but promised not to speak against them.⁴¹

On the ecclesiastical front, Emma Smith's strategic options were now exhausted. The church's affairs increasingly were controlled by the Twelve, thereby guaranteeing continuation of the hateful doctrine of plural marriage. In the months to come, she would quietly counsel those whom she trusted that the Twelve should not lead the church, but her chances of playing the part of power-broker were finished.

On the financial front, her strategy soon suffered another major reversal. In September, Emma Smith was unable to post an additional bond required by the court, and the presiding judge revoked her authority as administratrix. On the 19th, Joseph W. Coolidge, one of the estate's creditors, was appointed in her place. A recent study has shown that Coolidge was basically a do-nothing administrator. For four years, he allowed matters to languish. He sold about $1,000 worth of property, to settle immediate claims, and assembled a list of creditors' claims, totalling around $5,000. Joseph Smith's complicated affairs demanded more vigorous administration than this, but Coolidge did not provide it. After 1845, he neither paid additional claims nor assembled assets to pay those already received.⁴²

Emma Smith was convinced that Coolidge was the cat's paw of the Twelve, placed in the position of administrator through their influence. She communicated her distress to her son, Joseph III, who decades later recalled that under Coolidge's management, "things were done that could not have occurred except they had been approved by the powers in control and directed by that spirit of hostility which early seemed to develop against my mother." The Smith family—on paper possessing large holdings of real estate—was at Coolidge's mercy, to realize any monetary benefit from the property. This was precisely the position of helplessness which Emma had sought to avoid. She communicated her sense of frustration to her eldest son, and to the end of his life he remembered the situation with bitterness:

In the settlement of the estate as administered by Joseph W. Coolidge, Mother was allowed, besides her household goods, two horses, two cows, her spinning-wheels, and one hundred and twenty-four dollars per year for the support of the family. We formed the impression that while Joseph Coolidge was, under ordinary circumstances, an honest man, in this matter he was under the domination of others. Our family was subjected gradually to a series of injustices at his hands and disagreeable experiences which became almost unbearable.⁴³

Emma suspected that Coolidge was Brigham Young's instrument to bend her to his will. She refused to bend.

A series of additional disagreements added fuel to the fire. First there was an ongoing dispute about Joseph Smith, Jr.'s papers. Most of these papers were housed in Joseph's office, upstairs in the Red Brick Store. The Twelve controlled these papers—financial as well as ecclesiastical—and denied Emma Smith access to them, contending they were the property of the church. Also included were his "private records, biography, portions of history—family and general—manuscripts, memoranda, and parts of his library." Emma Smith, for her part, rebuffed the requests of the Twelve that she turn over one very important manuscript which she had kept in her possession since the troubles in Missouri: Joseph Smith's "inspired translation" (or "new translation") of the Bible.⁴⁴ Here was a classic standoff, one which had significance beyond the immediate conflict. Joseph Smith Ill's later religious career was significantly colored by this dispute over his father's papers. Those papers held by the Twelve, and finally coming to repose in Salt Lake City, influenced him negatively. Coming to maturity, he had to rely upon his own recollections, the statements of his mother, and published records such as found in the church's paper, the Times and Seasons, for his knowledge of his father's teachings in Nauvoo. Not having access to his father's papers—some of them sensitive—and far away from most of his father's closest disciples, he began his own religious career with an incomplete and sometimes erroneous conception of what his father had actually taught.

The disputed manuscript of the "Inspired Translation" was jealously kept by the prophet's widow, who regarded herself as its divinely appointed guardian. In later years, she was to surrender it to her son's church, for publication, which event was heralded by the Reorganized Church as proof that it was continuing Joseph Smith, Jr.'s work.

There were other sources of irritation, as well. One episode resulted in Joseph Smith III developing a burning dislike for Brigham Young. It happened shortly after the President of the Twelve had triumphed over Sidney Rigdon. In solidifying his leadership, Brigham not only assumed Joseph's position as commander of the Nauvoo Legion, but also tried to emulate his appearance, to foster the image of being his successor. Accordingly, he sent a request to Emma Smith, that he be allowed to ride the late lieutenant general's dark sorrel pacer, Joe Duncan, at a parade. Emma Smith complied with the request, and ordered Young Joseph to saddle the horse. The youth remonstrated with his mother, reminding her that he had just spent considerable effort in nursing the poor horse back to health after some visitors had overridden him frightfully. Nevertheless, she ordered him to prepare the horse. Joseph grew angrier and angrier as he readied the horse in the stable. An additional request came, that the prophet's "full military housings" be put on the horse, including the holsters and pistols. Joseph recalled his feelings:

By late afternoon, the horse had not been returned. Young Joseph was deeply disturbed, and when he saw George Q. Cannon, Brigham Young's clerk, racing the horse through the streets, he was thoroughly outraged. Emma sent a terse note to Brigham Young requesting that Joe Duncon be returned. In another hour, the poor horse was back in Young Joseph's care, "in a most pitiable plight," his hair "matted with sweat," hungry and thirsty from having received no care during the day, and "his vigor, already at pretty low ebb, ... he was surely what was termed a 'used up horse."'

I made a vow then and there, while washing that horse and giving him proper nourishment, that never again would I put saddle or bridle upon him for Elder Young. Going to the house, I told Mother so, adding that if ever in the future she wished to loan one of our horses to that man she would have to get someone else to saddle it, for I would not do it.⁴⁵

This is the first recorded instance of disharmony between Brigham Young and Joseph Smith III. In his memoirs, Joseph recalled that in earlier days, he thought Brigham a pleasant man to meet, "neither liking nor disliking him particularly."⁴⁶ His own personal experience was now added to his mother's growing dislike for the President of the Twelve, however.

From the fall of 1844 to the spring of 1845, the conflict between Emma Smith and Brigham Young was quiescent. Emma had entered the third trimester of pregnancy. On November 17th, her last son, David Hyrum Smith, was born.⁴⁷ As the child's birth approached, it was natural that Emma would have less and less opportunity or inclination to carry on her dispute with Brigham. Not until the following spring do documents again begin mentioning Emma opposing Brigham Young's policies.

Friendship with Oliver B. Huntington. In November 1844, Emma Smith took in Oliver B. Huntington as a boarder. She had moved out of the busy Nauvoo Mansion during her confinement, leasing it to William Marks, the first of a series of tenants over the next two years. Emma and her family moved back into the home they had originally lived in, upon moving to Nauvoo, the Old Homestead.⁴⁸ An able-bodied young man was useful around the house, and Oliver attended to many chores. Emma Smith was short of cash and could not afford to pay him for his work, but he received room, board, and occasional presents.

There was no such thing as a common school system in Nauvoo, and education was a haphazard affair. Twenty-one year old Oliver and twelve-year old Joseph Smith III soon found themselves classmates in James Madison Monroe's school, at that time conducted upstairs in the Red Brick Store. They also received helpful training in memorization and etiquette from Dr. John M. Bernhisel, another boarder.

Oliver soon became a virtual member of the Smith family. He became a father-figure for the children, and a particularly warm attachment developed between Joseph and himself. Oliver would romp with the younger children, tell stories, make toys, and protect them from bullies at school. But with Joseph he developed an extremely close relationship. Oliver's diary provides a vital glimpse into Young Joseph's development during this critical period.

One of Joseph's traits which impressed Oliver was his maturity, seemingly well beyond his twelve years. Oliver recorded:

Oliver recorded several incidents illustrative of Joseph's maturity. On one occasion, Julia Murdock Smith, Joseph's adopted older sister, was induced to make amends to Oliver, through the lad's peacemaking efforts. On another, he respectfully accepted correction from Oliver, who urged him to cease his screaching "quail calls," which were popular among the neighborhood boys. After reflecting upon the criticism, Joseph simply quoted the adage, "Open rebuke is better than secret love," and ceased playing quail. On yet another occasion, he displayed his generous nature. Oliver asked him for an Indian money purse that the prophet had in his pocket when shot in Carthage Jail. One might naturally be reluctant to part with such a memento, but after pondering for a moment, Young Joseph handed the purse to Oliver, saying, "Cast your bread upon the waters, and after many days thou shall find it again."

When Oliver ceased boarding with Emma Smith the following March, he was very reluctant to leave, because this would mean that he would see less of Joseph. Leaving the Old Homestead was almost like leaving home. As he put it,

... I sincerely hated to leave there; for I wanted to be where I could see Joseph all the time. As we had been so intimate, with perfect love, never allowing an angry word to pass between us, and having kept together all winter. In fine we were almost one in our feelings, interests and actions; and it seemed like cutting my heart strings, to part with, as he called himself, my best friend.⁴⁹

James M. Monroe. Oliver Boardman Huntington was not the only one impressed with the lad. His teacher, James M. Monroe, kept a diary in the spring of 1845, which reflected highly upon his young scholar. At this time, Monroe was conducting school at Emma Smith's residence, with about a dozen pupils, including the children of Emma Smith and Apostle John Taylor. Joseph, he recorded, was a model student. The teacher wrote weekly letters to him, emparting rules of conduct, e.g., April 24th, "Eat only at meal time. Retire by nine and rise by five. Have a time to do every thing and do every thing at the time." On April 27th, he was extremely pleased with the maturity of Joseph's judgment, as reflected in a resolution he made, viz., "to obey his parent and his instructor and alter his course of life according to their advise." Teacher Monroe thought Joseph "some different from most other boys, with more judgment, more manly, and intellectual. I have great encouragements, that he will make a very useful and highly talented man." These commendatory remarks were in sharp contrast to those recorded about other students. Monroe complained of Julia Murdock's rebelliousness, Alexander H. Smith's tack of ambition, and John Taylor's truancy.

Soon a bond of attachment had developed between Joseph and his teacher. Monroe was in the habit of rising before dawn and walking into the woods to a favorite retreat, where he would perform exercises, practice declamation, and sing. In this manner, he hoped to improve his voice, and, incidentally, to review matters which he had been studying. Soon Young Joseph and Oliver B. Huntington were rising early in the morning and going out with their teacher to practice elocution and reading.⁵⁰

Young Joseph, by every surviving account, was mature beyond his years. Being the son of the prophet and being the eldest son may have contributed to this process, although history is filled with examples of crown princes who responded irresponsibly rather than responsibly to the weight of expectation surrounding their birth and future station. Perhaps the trials he had witnessed in twelve years had a sobering effect. His father's premature, calamitous death doubtless contributed to his sober outlook upon life.

Formation of character. As he entered adolescence, he was schooled in principles of behavior which would serve him well throughout his life. In January 1845, he composed a series of "Rules of Behavior for Youth." It is not known whether these rules were suggested to him by Dr. Bernhisel, James M. Monroe, an unknown party, or whether the youth worked them up on his own initiative. Whatever their origin, they give insight into his developing character. Many of the rules treat simply of etiquette, such as the following injunctions:

It is those rules which embodied principles of civilized behavior and rules of morality which are most interesting, and show the direction in which Joseph's character was being molded. Some examples follow:

Being about to reprimand any one, consider whether it ought to be done at present or at another time; in publick or in private, and in reproveing, show no signs of choler, but do it in mildness and sweetness. Take all admonitions kindly, but when not culpable, take a time and place convenient to let him know it, that gave it. ... Break no jests sharp or biting. . . . Wherein you reprove another be unblameable yourself, for example has more influence than precept.
Use no reproachful language against any one, neither curse nor revile. Be not hasty to believe flying reports to the disparagement of anyone. Ascosiate [sic] with men of good character and remember it is better to be alone than in bad company
In all causes of passion, admit reason to govern.
Speak not injurious or reproachful words; in jest nor in earnest.
Speak not against the absent, for it is unjust.
Let your recreations be manful;—not sinful.
Never attempt anything but what you can do openly; free from fear of the consequences.
Never be guilty of anything little or mean; but let all your actions be noble and humane. ^5I

Here was a code of gentlemanly values. By and large, Joseph Smith Ill's later life reflected these values. Much more so than his brother Alexander, he learned to control his naturally fiery temper, even in the face of severe provocation; to hold his tongue, and not to speak evil of others, even those who had abused or wronged him. In regards two of the rules, however, his later practice failed to conform, viz., "if you deliver anything witty and pleasant, abstain from laughing thereat yourself .... Laugh not aloud . . . ," and, "Be not obstinate in your opinion." Joseph was noted for his sense of humor, heartily enjoying a good joke or pun. As for obstinacy in his opinions, once set in his convictions, he was as firm as the Rock of Gibralter.

Young Joseph's sense of right and wrong became more finely honed in the course of school-activities and play with other children. He hated to see smaller children bullied and would intervene on their behalf, even though doing so might mean a fight. He insisted that established rules be followed, whether on the playground or in the classroom; on one occasion he had a confrontation with his teacher when the teacher unfairly played favorites in a spelling contest. He was willing to accept punishment, when he had done wrong. But when he felt an adult was not acting fairly, he was willing to stand up for his rights.⁵²

From my mother I inherited an intense hatred of oppression—of any kind, but more especially the kind displayed by the strong against the weak—and a hatred of arrogance, haughtiness, and that peculiar quality which some people exhibit when they appear to say, "Stand aside; I am holier than thou." With this attribute inherited from my mother, I also received a strong and active repugnance to untruthfulness in either man or woman. To me my mother was ever the embodiment of truthfulness, for she hated intensely any lie, whether spoken or acted, and refused steadfastly to submit to any proposition which was opposite to the truth.⁵³

Despite Joseph Smith Ill's later claims that he was old enough to have known if his father were involved in polygamous activities, the fact is that the prophet had been discreet, and most of his polygamous liaisons occurred away from the Mansion House. Under the leadership of the Twelve, a steady growth in the number of plural marriages was occurring, and Emma's policy was to guard her children against contamination from what she viewed as a moral contagion. There is no record that the children continued to receive Sunday School instruction. Several times, in his memoirs, Joseph Smith III makes mention of an important meeting, with the additional remark, that he personally did not attend. The younger children—Frederick, Alexander, and David—were never baptized under LDS auspices, although Frederick was considered old enough to receive the ordinance before the exodus.⁵⁴

My mother was a type of a grand woman, and those with whom we were associated, with whom I was associated as a boy and young man, I look back along my life now, and I can see plainly that I knew no lax [sic] of virtue among those with whom I was associated. Every woman with whom I was associated and knew anything about, was an honest, virtuous, upright lady. I was taught so to treat them, and there grew up in my heart that instinctive regard and love for womankind that I have never forgotten; and I do not believe I will while I live.⁵⁵

Brigham Young had pursued a conservative course. On August 8, 1844, he had simply asked the people to sustain the Twelve in their calling. He made no radical claims for himself or his quorum. He had opposed Sidney Rigdon's wild, visionary claims, and had proposed to leave things much as they were, with the quorum next in authority to the first presidency providing leadership for the church. But what of the future? Apostle John Taylor, by now sufficiently recovered to be about his duties as editor of the church paper, on September 2, 1844 counselled those who were anxious to know who would be the prophet's successor: ". . . we say, be patient, be patient a little, till the proper time comes, and we will tell you all. 'Great wheels move slow’". The Twelve had been sustained at the conference on August 8th, and "when any alteration in the presidency shall be required, seasonable notice shall be given; and the elders abroad, will best exhibit their wisdom to all men, by remaining silent on those things they are ignorant of.⁵⁶ Brigham Young's policy was to exercise power and avoid theoretical discussions.

I had frequent attempts at conversation with Brigham Young and H. C. Kimball in regard to Joseph's leaving one to succeed him in the Prophetic office, and in all my attempts to ascertain the desired truth as that personage, I was invariably met with the innuendo "stop" or "hush" brother Miller, let there be nothing said in regard to this matter, or we will have little Joseph killed as his father was, inferring indirectly That Joseph Smith had appointed his son Joseph to succeed him in the prophetic office, and I believe this impression was not alone left on my mind, but on the brethren in general, and remains with many until this day.⁵⁷

the man to lead us until Joseph's legal successor should grow up to manhood, when he should surrender the Presidency to the man who held the birthright. After that time, if he continued to claim and hold the position, he could not be considered anything else than an usurper, and his acts would not meet the approbation of Heaven. ⁵⁸

not to rob young Joseph of his birthright, which his father, the Prophet, bestowed upon him previous to his death. That young Joseph was to succeed his father as the leader of the Church, and it was his right in the line of the priesthood. "I know it," replied Brigham, "don't worry or take any trouble, Mother Smith; by so doing you are only laying the knife to the throat of the child. If it is known that he is the rightful successor of his father, the enemy of the Priesthood will seek his life. He is too young to lead this people now, but when he arrives at mature age he shall have his place. No one shall rob him of it."⁵⁹

Whatever Brigham's ultimate intentions, there was wisdom in his policy. Word of Joseph Smith, Jr.'s designation of his son as his successor had reached the secular press; it would hardly do to deny the matter before the Saints.⁶⁰ Whether he intended to step aside when Young Joseph reached maturity, or whether he had no intention of ever yielding power, his policy made sense. Furthermore, times were uncertain, and potential danger might have resulted from too freely talking about some future succession; that this was Brigham Young's primary motive, in pursuing the policy that he did, is doubtful, however.

Administrative control consolidated. Brigham Young acted quickly to take control of the church's administration. One of his immediate goals was to counter centrifugal tendencies. This strategy found several tactical expressions: (I) discouragement of the proposed expeditions of Lyman Wight and James Emmett; (2) encouragement of continued "gathering" to Nauvoo; (3) continued effort to complete the Nauvoo Temple; and (4) division of North America into administrative districts, with a direct chain of command back to the Twelve.⁶¹

Growth of polygamy. During all this time, more and more celestial marriages were being sealed by the leading brethren. For many, the principle was difficult to accept. Some only did so after a period of inner struggle. Others never did and left the church. Secrecy surrounded the practice. For example, on May 19, 1845, Hosea Stout entered into a polygamous marriage with Lucretia Fisher, but in his diary he simply recorded, "Myself and wife and Lucretia Fisher, went to Brother John D. Lee's to a social meeting."⁶² By continuing to teach and practice celestial marriage, Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, Willard Richards, and others who had been privy to Joseph Smith's secret teachings, were loyally following his instructions. Many of the Twelve initially had been shocked at the idea of polygamy, but having accepted the teaching upon the prophet's authority, they now proved faithful disciples. As D. Michael Quinn has pointed out, the teachings of the Twelve concerning marriage, the endowment, the political kingdom, and other doctrines and practices, were simply perpetuations of instructions they had received from the prophet.⁶³

After a period of relative calm, in the wake of the murders at Carthage, Anti-Mormon agitation began to increase in intensity, by September of 1844. That month, notices appeared in newspapers of Hancock and surrounding counties of an upcoming "wolf hunt," a coded euphemism for depredations against the Mormons. Governor Ford acted to put down any such disorders by bringing on outside militia force into the county, the Saints organized for self-defense, and for the time being, the danger passed. The militiamen, under General John J. Hardin, kept the peace through the winter.⁶⁴

To the demands of an Anti-Mormon assembly, on October I, 1845, that the Saints leave Illinois, Brigham Young responded favorably. Westward emigration had been considered by the hierarchy for some time, and in the face of implacable opposition from militant enemies, Brigham Young now negotiated an agreement to vacate the city. The wheel of an epic saga was thereby set in motion.⁶⁵

After the repeal of Nauvoo's municipal charter, Brigham Young faced problems from within and from without. Internally, he faced the problem of how to deal with dissenters (members of the church and former members). Externally, Anti-Mormon forces were a constant threat, and some method of insuring the city's security had to be found. Additionally, a city of Nauvoo's size had to have a police force to enforce the law, quite apart from the religious conflicts which beset the Saints. The ecclesiastical leadership solved these problems and maintained its control of the city in the following ways: First, the "New Police," an ecclesiastically controlled guard, which received little or no pay, kept watch over the city. Second, in March 1845, the whole city was divided up into quorums of twelve deacons, with a bishop at the head of each. A young man, belonging to such a quorum, performed guard duty at the corner of every block in the city, from dusk until dawn. Third, there was the "Whistling and Whittling Brigade."

The "Brigade" operated to clear the city of those regarded as undesirable. If someone regarded as suspicious—either as a possible criminal, an apostate, or an Anti-Mormon spy—entered the city, the Brigade would "whistle and whittle" him out of town. The technique was an ingenious form of intimidation. The victim would be surrounded by a large company of boys, wielding large bowie knives, with which they would casually whittle, in close proximity to the unwanted person. They would not converse with him, but would set up a cacophony of whistling, possibly adding insults, all designed to hurry him out of town. Whistling and whittling became a very effective form of social control in the short run, but in the long run probably added fuel to the fire of those working to drive the Saints from Illinois.⁶⁶

... a guard of some thirty young men and boys . . . followed him the whole of the day, urging him from place to place, annoying him by whistling, and whittling towards him with wicked looking knives; saying nothing to him, except to tell him to move on when he stopped to speak to any one. I saw him in the afternoon about four o'clock, when despairing of honorable entreatment from his before time brethren, broken down with infirmity, and stricken with grief, he had turned his face from the city and was going to the ferry to cross the river. I spoke to him, when his escort struck up their din of whistling and whittling, hustling the poor old man with the ends of broken boards and the sticks they were whittling. I remonstrated with them for thus using him; but to no purpose, they were only the more offensive; so with tears of pain in the eyes of the old man, and tears of indignation in mine, we parted, never to meet again.⁶⁷

The Mansion House was placed under watch, since William Marks' sentiments were known to be questionable. One of his boarders, Washington Peck, was also under suspicion by the ecclesiastical authorities. On February 27, 1845, Peck was assaulted as he left the building. It was late in the day, and as he stepped into the glare of the late afternoon sun, and could not see his assailants, he was clubbed to the ground and covered with human excrement.⁶⁸

Through 1846, no one was allowed to visit the Smiths without passing the police cordon. The widow Smith, through her refusal to bend to the will of Brigham Young and her open hostility to certain of his policies, had become obnoxious in his eyes. This surveillance was the result.⁶⁹

Brigham Young had not sought a conflict with Emma. One recent study has argued persuasively that the introduction of plural marriage—rather than longstanding personal enmity—was the basis of the conflict, Brigham remaining loyal to the prophet and Emma remaining loyal to traditional morality. This fundamental difference led to disagreement over who should succeed Joseph Smith, Jr., as well as to a prolonged and bitter struggle over the estate of the late prophet. Brigham Young desired to preserve property which rightly belonged to the church and to employ that resource on behalf of the stream of poor Mormon immigrants and to prepare for the westward exodus. Emma Smith, on the other hand, desired to preserve her financial independence, hold what was rightly her own, and defend properties which she had helped to buy and administer during her husband's lifetime.⁷⁰

The conflict was an ever escalating one. Emma Smith continued to voice her dissatisfaction with Brigham Young's leadership. Long after there was any possibility of William Marks leading the church, she obstinately continued to express the opinion that he was the proper man for the job. For example, on April 24, 1845, she engaged in a lengthy conversation with her children's teacher, James M. Monroe, upon the subject. She argued that temporal things are patterned after the spiritual, and that just as the vice president succeeds the president of the United States, so the next officer below the president of the church should succeed him, upon his decease. That officer, she reasoned, was the president of the High Council in Zion. It was not Sidney Rigdon, who was only a counselor, like the secretary of state. Neither was it the Twelve, who held authority to conduct missions, not to govern the church at Zion. The High Council held power within Zion. The Twelve were overstepping their authority by meddling in the affairs of Zion, seizing the leadership without "such instructions or commands or ordinations as would authorize them to take that office," while Joseph Smith, by the ordination he pronounced upon William Marks, contemplated him to succeed him in governing the church, but not as a Prophet, Seer, and Revelator, which office she doubted would be given to another.⁷¹

Emma's outspokenness was no secret. Lucy Meserve Smith—a secret plural wife of Apostle George A. Smith—did spinning for Emma in August and September, 1845. She held her tongue, while Emma denounced the measures of the Twelve, claiming that original Mormonism was true, but that the Twelve were "making Bogus of it."⁷²

There were other sources of irritation, as well. When Apostle William Smith returned to Nauvoo, in May of 1845, he took up residence with Emma Smith. William was soon warring with the Twelve over the rights of the Smith family to lead the church, and Emma was harboring William. Then there was the matter of Brigham Young's wounded pride. The leading elders proceeded to marry the late prophet's plural wives—for time, not eternity—Heber C. Kimball and Brigham Young taking the lion's share. Emma would not consider entering into such a marriage with Brigham Young. The Relief Society, of which Emma Smith was president, was allowed to lapse into dormancy, since Emma had used it as a platform from which to oppose plural marriage.⁷³

One further incident which might have soured relations even more, but apparently did not, was the notorious letter in the New York Sun of December 9, 1845. The paper contained a letter—purportedly from Emma Smith—denouncing the current leadership in Nauvoo as "petty tyrants," and stating a determination not to follow those leaders to the west. Emma Smith stoutly denied the genuineness of the letter, and there are strong reasons to believe, as convincingly demonstrated by Valeen Tippetts Avery and Linda King Newel I, that the letter was a forgery of the unscrupulously ambitious James Arlington Bennet. Brigham Young himself suspected that Bennet had forged the purported letter from Emma.⁷⁴

Emma Smith, by the summer of 1845, had stamped herself an outcast. Her opposition to the measures of the Twelve became common knowledge, and she began to be referred to as an "apostate." Young Joseph felt the sting of such epithets, and developed a lifelong distaste for what he viewed as "the intolerance of bigotry." He described Nauvoo as a hotbed of "rabid venom against the 'apostate' and recalcitrant." From this time onward, he never had any stomach for tactics of ostracism, and became a strong defender of the right to hold differing opinions within the church.⁷⁵

It is significant that Emma Smith did not choose to assert the claims of her eldest son, Joseph, to the presidency, although she was aware of his father's blessing, pronounced upon the lad's head. After years of persecution, wanderings, and worry, culminating in the tragedy at Carthage Jail, she did not choose to place her son in a position of danger.⁷⁶

William Smith, then in his mid-thirties, was unpredictable and fiery-tempered. He had not returned to Nauvoo, following his brothers' murders, but had remained in the east. There he had clandestinely taught and practiced plural marriage, together with elders Samuel Brannan and George J. Adams. Their indiscreet behavior became known in Nauvoo, and Brigham Young ordered Apostle Parley P. Pratt to go east and put matters in order. William was ordered to return to Nauvoo.⁷⁷

William returned to Nauvoo, now styled by the Saints the "City of Joseph," together with his mortally ill wife Caroline and two daughters. He temporarily took up residence with Emma Smith. The following Sunday, William, who lacked discretion while possessing determination to the point of self-destruction, preached from the stand. In this initial sermon he managed to step upon Brigham Young's toes. He criticized some of the measures employed against enemies of the Saints and intimated that he was intent of asserting his privileges as a Smith.⁷⁸

Wm. Smith is coming out in opposition to the Twelve and in favor of Adams. The latter has organized a church at Augusta, Iowa Territory with young Joseph Smith for President, Wm. Smith for Patriarch, Jared Carter for President of the stake and himself for spokeman [sic] to Joseph. Wm. says he has sealed some women to men and he considers he is not accountable to Brigham nor the Twelve nor any one else. There is more danger from William than from any other source, and I fear his course will bring us much trouble.⁷⁹

Caroline Smith was buried on May 24th. That afternoon an important meeting of the Twelve Apostles took place. A reconciliation was affected between William and the rest of the Twelve, after which William Smith was ordained Presiding Patriarch of the church.⁸⁰

The office of presiding patriarch involved administration of prophetic blessings (for which remuneration was received), as well as presiding over regional patriarchs who performed similar blessings. The late prophet had once ambiguously described the office as "the highest office in the church," but in what sense it was "highest" was never spelled out. Certainly the patriarch had never functioned as the presiding officer in the church. Now, however, this ascription of honor (if not authority), coupled with the removal of the prophet-president, made the office a potential base of power for William Smith.⁸¹

He [William] says also that B. Young is not a whit beyond himself or any other of the Twelve. That he is merely President by courtesy. That he has no higher keys and that the whole Twelve are presidents over the Church and not B. Young and that he does not stand in Joseph's shoes. His words seem to portend a rupture between him and the Twelve, but I hardly know how it will come out. Most probably to his disadvantage, as the authority of the Twelve is too firmly rooted to be broken up very easily.⁸²

She said he [William] talked well upon the subject and seemed to have correct principles. I told her that his character had not stood very high and that would have some influence among the world and that we should be quite cautious about [believing ] that a man had met with a sudden change, as it was rather difficult for a man to change his nature. She said it had been done, and if a man wished to change his course of conduct he should be encouraged.⁸³

By the end of June, William was utterly at odds with Brigham Young's leadership, denouncing the Twelve and claiming the authority to do as he pleased, and making no effort to conceal his differences with the Twelve.⁸⁴ Lucy Mack Smith, his mother, was allied with him in an effort to secure the rights of the Smith family. It was during the summer of 1845, that she dictated to her scribe, Martha Coray, her recollection of Joseph Smith, Sr.'s patriarchal blessing of Joseph Smith III, in Kirtland, Ohio. While there is no reason to doubt that Joseph Smith, Sr., actually gave such a blessing, certain details seem to have been the product of the summer of 1845, such as the references to the boy comforting his (widowed) mother, and the implication that the boy would carry on his father's work only after waiting a period of time, to "become of age." The document is consistent with what might be styled the "Theology of the Smith Family," held and promulgated by her husband, herself, Joseph Smith, Jr., and William Smith. The timing of the document, is directly related to fears that the rights of the Smiths were in danger of being eclipsed. The document specifically states that Joseph III would have power to carry out all that his father should leave undone, when the boy became of age. The lad's claims are not too explicitly spelled out, for "to write such things endangered the boys life."⁸⁵

Lucy Mack Smith, taking advantage of her reputation as a "Mother in Israel," also announced that she had received revelations backing the claims of the Smith family. On June 28, 1845, William Clayton recorded, "A new revelation has come to light from mother Smith, corrected and altered by William Smith so as to suit his wishes by representing him as the legal successor of Joseph in the presidency." Apostle George A. Smith—who opposed his cousin William in this matter—recorded in his journal that Mother Smith's vision taught that "her son, William Smith, was Patriarch and President over the whole Church and that President Young and Brother Kimball were black-hearted, &c., &c." George A. and John Smith tried to dissuade William from his antagonistic course, but he refused to discuss the question of his mother's visions. "He spoke," George A. Smith recorded, "very hard against Brother Brigham and said he had the right, by birth, to lead the Church and that all he wanted was his rights and he would have them at all events." In essence, on the basis of the visions, William claimed that he was already president of the church.⁸⁶

On Monday, June 30th, Brigham Young and a large contingent of the leading elders called on Lucy Mack Smith. The subject of conversation was her purported vision of the previous week, which depicted William Smith as president over the patriarchs to guide and council the church. Perhaps sensing danger in her position, the prophet's mother refused them permission to copy the record of the vision, claiming it was imperfectly recorded and intended only for the eyes of her family. William Smith did not attend the meeting, but instead sent a letter, complaining that he had sought peaceful relations with Brigham Young, but would not pursue such a policy at the price of surrendering his rights. Lucy Mack Smith proved an uncertain supporter for William. She was elderly, her finances were precarious, her health was poor, and her position was anything but secure. Only one of her sons remained alive. She had lived through trying scenes. To break openly with the Twelve would leave her terribly vulnerable. Furthermore, she would forfeit the opportunity to play the role of "Mother in Israel," which she dearly loved.⁸⁷

Brigham Young was willing to honor the Smith family, so long as his right to preside over the church was not challenged. He made every effort to enlist the favor of Lucy Smith and the rest of the clan, and, in this, he was partially successful. On July 9th, John L. Smith, a cousin of Young Joseph, was married to Augusta B. Cleaveland. The occasion provided the opportunity to hold a great feast at the Mansion House, at which the Smiths were honored guests. Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, John Taylor, N. K. Whitney, and George Miller waited upon the tables. Seven Smith widows were present, and about fifty members of the family. Lucy Smith was in all her glory, addressing the gathering "in a feeling and pathetic manner." Only William Smith and a few of his friends skulked while the others partook of the festive spirit.⁸⁸

Emma is well and also little Joseph his fathers successor although some people would fain make us believe that the Twelve are to be the perpetual heads of this church to the exclusion of the Smith family, but every one who has read the book of Doctrine and Covenants must be aware that Priesthood authority is hereditary and descends from Father to son and therefore Josephs oldest son will take his place when he arrives to the age of a maturity. The twelve are however the Presidents for the time being but when Josephs successor comes they take their former place. I merely make these remarks lest a false impression might get abroad concerning this matter.⁸⁹

While Patriarch William Smith's position within the hierarchy deteriorated, Brigham Young and Lucy Mack Smith developed a symbiotic modus vivendi. She demanded concessions from the church, such as a lot, a house, and a carriage, which Brigham Young promised to provide out of church funds, with the tacit understanding that she would produce no more such "revelations."⁹⁰

On Sunday, August 17th, William preached from the stand, on what he called the first chapter of the "Epistle of Saint William," or the "Gospel according to Saint William." Here he boldly proclaimed his belief in the doctrine of plurality of wives—to the disgust of many of his listeners—and implied that the Twelve were clandestinely practicing what he, William, was brave enough to teach openly.⁹¹ Such teaching by William Smith, Samuel Brannan, and George J. Adams already had caused the church much difficulty in the east. Such preaching was intolerable. The apostles flatly rejected William's request to go on another tour of the east, and he soon left Nauvoo, openly feuding with the Twelve.

After a short stay with his old friend and ally, G. J. Adams, at Augusta, Iowa Territory, he headed south to St. Louis, which he made his base of operations for some months. His mood was one of high dudgeon. Brigham Young, he fumed, was a tyrant and usurper.⁹²

On October 6, 1845, a general conference was held in the partially completed Nauvoo Temple. During the votes to sustain the general authorities, William Smith was unanimously rejected as both an apostle and as patriarch. At this same conference, on October 8th, Lucy Mack Smith addressed the Saints, giving her testimony and expressing a desire to go west with the Saints. Delighted at this sign of support, Brigham Young asked all the Saints whether they considered Lucy Smith a "mother in Israel," to which the multitude shouted, "Yes." Brigham Young publicly promised the prophet's mother that she would be given financial assistance, and intimated that William would be welcomed back, if only he would be cooperative. But William was bent on war, not compromise. His incindiary written remarks about the Twelve led to his excommunication, on October 19, 1845 ⁹³

Entitled, "A Proclamation," this denunciatory piece charged the Twelve with moral corruption, accused Brigham Young of usurpation and tyranny, complained of the treatment of the Smith family, made intimations of Brigham Young's complicity in the murder of Irvine Hodge, related in grisly detail how Brigham's police had threatened his life, and attacked the spiritual wife doctrine. The tenor of William's invective was such that any hope of healing the breach must have been dim indeed. Nevertheless, Apostle Orson Hyde made the attempt, only to be rebuffed via William's open letter in the Warsaw Signal, dated November 12, 1845, filled with loud and long complaints that his rights had been abused, denying that the Twelve held the Keys to govern the church, condemning the wickedness afoot in Nauvoo, and scorning all prospects of reconciliation.⁹⁴

Apparently William Smith's brother-in-law, Jedediah M. Grant, had carried word back to Nauvoo that William had engaged in an illicit affair in St. Louis. Emma Smith was in no mood to countenance such behavior. William wrote in pleading tones, recounting his various places of residence in the city, and fairly begging for her to trust him. "I am," he assured her, "strongly oposed to that damnable doctrin &c and I mean just what I say . . . ." He concluded that he would gladly live "under your Protection or Eye," if it were safe for him to remain in Nauvoo, but as it was not, he was "determined never to speak to a woman," until he could see the Smith family standard raised in majesty and glory. If Emma, who stood to benefit by his policy, was willing to abandon him, "why thats all," he indignantly signed off.⁹⁵ William's indignation was wasted on Emma. She had witnessed too much of spiritual wifery to lend her support to William Smith, who denounced polygamy out of one side of his mouth and endorsed it out of the other.

It was estimated that a family of five adults would require one good wagon, three yokes of oxen, two or more cows, one thousand pounds of flour, a bushel of beans, one hundred pounds of sugar, one musket or rifle—with ammunition—for each man, twenty-five pounds of salt, a tent and furniture for each two families, farming tools, clothing and bedding not to exceed five hundred pounds, sundry tools, cooking utensils, and other items. Each wagon was not to be loaded beyond one ton (exclusive of passengers). Additionally, each company would need a certain number of horses, equipment for crossing rivers, fishing gear, dried food, and seasoning.⁹⁶

Open only to full tithe payers, the ordinances included covenants and blessings, washing and anointing with consecrated oil, marriages and the "sealing" of family members for eternity and ceremonies of adoption (no longer performed) in which men and their families were sealed to a particular leader of the church as their own children. More than five thousand men and women went through the ceremonies in great urgency . . .⁹⁷

Brigham Young made one last attempt to persuade Emma Smith to join the departing Saints, sending Newel K. Whitney and Benjamin F. Johnson to make the appeal. Emma refused, as did her mother-in-law, Lucy Mack Smith.⁹⁸

Several incidents connected with the exodus impressed themselves upon Young Joseph's mind. Brigham Young, George A. Smith, and Newel K. Whitney made gifts to the prophet's son, before the exodus. Brigham sent word that he wished to leave Joseph "something to remember him by," and when the lad called at his house, handed him a small, single-shot, duelling pistol, with unguarded hammer and trigger. Twice Joseph nearly wounded himself with the weapon, before his mother took it away from him. Hearing that Brigham Young had given Young Joseph a gift, George A. Smith felt he should do the same, and handed the lad a large bowie knife, or "Arkansas toothpick," as they were then called. Emma Smith was disgusted with the dangerous gift and heartily encouraged her son to trade it for something more useful: a rolling pin. Bishop Whitney made a different sort of gift, viz., a handsome writing desk. While some speculated that Brigham Young harbored hopes that the boy would shoot himself with the pistol, Joseph considered that the gun and the knife simply reflected the spirit of the times. He was impressed with Bishop Whitney's gift, however, and ever considered that the bishop had aimed to teach him that "the pen is mightier than the sword," by this gift which contrasted so with the previous two.⁹⁹

Instead of bringing back the money the messenger returned with the cloak, and a surly word from Mr. Kimball to the effect he would think Sister Emma could afford to give him that one garment.

Mother was in no condition, either monetarily or mentally, to bestow charity of that sort upon Elder Kimball, for in our close circumstances we were obliged to use every penny, and we were aware of nothing he had ever done to deserve at our hands that which would require further sacrifice and economy. ¹⁰⁰

On February 4, 1846, the first group of church authorities and their families—including polygamous wives—crossed the river on skiffs-end flatboats. Soon the work of ferrying the Saints across the river was going on day and night. Those who crossed formed a camp beside the river. On Sunday, February 15th, Brigham Young crossed the river. The entire body then traveled inland nine miles to a location beside Sugar Creek, Lee County, Iowa, to form their first "Camp of Israel." There were to be fifteen of these stopping places—each styled a "Camp of Israel"—established across southern Iowa during the Mormon trek of 1846.¹⁰¹

The population of Nauvoo was dwindling. By the middle of May, an estimated 12,000 Mormons had crossed the Mississippi. Meanwhile, in the city, work continued on the temple, which was simultaneously dedicated and abandoned in April. Over 5,000 Saints had received endowments in the Nauvoo Temple, and Brigham Young had promised that temples would be built in the west, for those who had not received the sacred ordinances. ¹⁰²

When the exodus west began, everyone was forced to sell fine homes and beautiful farms for a pittance in order to outfit a wagon. It was easy for those crossing the river to look back at the expansive Mansion House, the Homestead, the red brick store, and the foundations of the Nauvoo House, which Emma was not abandoning, and make their private judgements about her generosity. Brigham anxiously looked at her holdings in terms of the cash equity the church so desperately needed.¹⁰³

Less than a thousand Mormons remained in Nauvoo. These included those charged with supervising the church's business affairs, as well as the poor, the infirm, and the elderly. Also, there were those who refused to follow Brigham Young for one reason or another, such as Emma Smith and her family. Their ranks were augmented by the New Citizens. These were a mixed group, but the better element included merchants, doctors, and lawyers, seeking economic opportunity in the wake of the exodus. Among these were two who were to play prominent roles in the later life of Joseph Smith III: L. C. Bidamon, a businessman from Canton, Illinois, and George Edmunds, a lawyer of New England ancestry. For the moment, optimistic hopes were entertained about the city's future. The city's new paper, the Hancock Eagle, actively promoted Nauvoo as a city of opportunity and filled its pages with optimistic accounts of the availability of housing, the formation of a new civic government, the start of schools, and even the encouraging intelligence that the earlier municipal shortage of grog shops and tobacconists was being supplied. The editor enthusiastically reported on the influx of newcomers:

He also observed, "We have yet room for 10,000." ¹⁰⁴

The summer's crisis discouraged further immigration to Nauvoo. In June, shopkeepers and residents had boxed up their possessions, preparatory to a quick getaway if an invasion had taken place. A visitor in July described the city as desolate, melancholy, and virtually deserted. Significantly, he found that Mormons within the city were now subject to persecution. One complained to him: ". . . my little children cannot go into the streets without being pelted with stones, and my daughters cannot go to the well after a pail of water without being insulted by the young and noble among our persecutors. ¹⁰⁵

When Almon W. Babbitt reneged upon the election agreement, and the Mormons voted as a bloc for the Democrats, the Whigs were furious. The situation deteriorated rapidly toward civil war in Hancock County. Writs were sworn out for the arrest of leaders in both the Mormon and Anti-Mormon camps. Posses were raised on both sides. Governor Thomas Ford observed: "Here was writ against writ; constable against constable; law against law, and posse against posse." ¹⁰⁶

Last ditch negotiations by the governor's agent, Mason Brayman, led to an agreement that the Mormons would evacuate the city within two months and immediately surrender their arms. ¹⁰⁷ Joseph Smith III was present when the authorities came to the Old Homestead, and his mother delivered up the only semblance of arms they owned, an old Queen Ann musket and a short, machette- like sword, which were never returned.¹⁰⁸ All this proved futile, however, because the Anti-Mormon mob rejected the treaty's terms, by a small majority. Many of the minority now withdrew, and leadership of the motly "posse" passed to one Thomas S. Brockman, whom the governor described as a dishonest, violently prejudiced Campbellite preacher, who was "a large, awkward, uncouth, ignorant semi-barbarian, ambitious of office and bent upon acquiring notoriety." ¹⁰⁹ After last-ditch negotiations failed, it became apparent to all that the issue would be resolved by armed conflict.

A state of war dose actuly exist between a mob commanded by Col. Brockman of Brown Co. & our county sachems, and the citizens of Nauvoo. . . . They had a battle yesterday .... lasting about two hours, the result of which I do not fully know. Men were killed & wounded on both sides It is said (& I presume it may be true) that the mob shot away 180 cannon balls and demollished or battered down several brick houses near the Temple .... The antis shot away all their cannon ball yesterday & are now waiting the receipt of more from Quincy in the mean time skirmishes occasionally take place ... .¹¹⁰

The situation was perilous. It was obvious that the New Citizens and the remaining Mormons could not hold off the mob for long. Dr. John M. Bernhisel and other friends, including William Marks, urged Emma to leave the city, for safety's sake, at least temporarily. Marks had already left the city and had settled at Fulton City, Whiteside County, Illinois. To this small haven, some one hundred-and-thirty to one hundred-and-forty miles up the Mississippi from Nauvoo, she decided to remove. Since spring, she had been renting the Mansion to Dr. Abram Van Tuyl, a New Citizen from New York. She now arranged for him to continue renting the hotel during her absence.¹¹¹

Emma Smith gathered together some of her household goods, and booked passage on the steamboat Uncle Toby, on September 12th, the day the fighting commenced. Other refugees also piled on board. Among these were a small band of friends, who had decided to accompany the Smiths. They were: the five members of the Wesley Knight family, the four members of the Lorin Walker family, Angeline and Nancy Carter, and William C. Clapp. The captain took the Uncle Toby across the river to the safety of Montrose, Iowa, for the evening. The next morning, as the steamboat plied its way north upon the "Father of Waters," the group of refugees watched Nauvoo fade from sight. They had left none too soon. The city fell to the invaders shortly thereafter. ¹¹²

After the mob was resupplied, the firing began again. A vast quantity of ammunition was expended, an estimated 700-900 cannon balls and "an infinite number" of bullets. Despite the paucity of casualties, the odds were hopelessly against the defenders, and public sentiment was such that they could expect no relief. A negotiating committee secured an agreement that the Mormons would evacuate the city and that Brockman's forces could enter Nauvoo on September 17th.¹¹³ On the night of September 16th, many of the remaining Mormons began a desperate exodus from the city, leaving most of their possessions behind. Emma Smith had chosen wisely to depart when she did.

Brockman's forces and a horde of curiosity-seekers entered the city the next day. Brockman set himself up as a self-constituted tribunal, deciding the fate of the remaining Mormons, who were hunted up and dragged before him. Most were given no more than an hour or two to leave Nauvoo. New Citizens also began to be expelled. "Some of them were ducked in the river," recalled Governor Ford, "being in one or two instances actually baptized in the name of the leaders of the mob . . . ." Some pillaging occurred, but houses and buildings were generally left unmolested. ¹¹⁴

The Mormon refugees were unprepared for the expulsion, and many suffered terribly, exposed on the Iowa shore. Deaths were frequent. Finally public sentiment turned against the mob, and Governor Ford was able to bring a militia force into Nauvoo and restore order. These troops remained until the onset of cold weather, in December, insuring that there would be no more depredations. Ironically, one of the Anti-Mormon rogues whom the governor found opposing his policy in Nauvoo was Abram Van Tuyl. Ford described Van Tuyl as "an old, wornout, broken-down democratic New York politician." Van Tuyl and other Anti-Mormon activists were kept in line by orders to shoot or hang those who opposed martial law in the city. ¹¹⁵

© Copyright by Charles Millard Turner 1985
All Rights Reserved