Footnotes: Chapter 2
1Quasten, p. 186.
2 Swete, Patristic Study, p. 28.
3Quasten, pp. 186-187.
4Brigg, "Origin and History of Premillenarianism," pp. 224-225.
5Kromminga, The Millennium In the Church, p. 43.
6Arno Clemens Gaebelein, The Hope of the Ages: The Messianic Hope in Revelation, In History and in Realization (Mew York: Publication Office, "Our Hope," 1938), p. 123.
7Peters, The Theocratic Kingdom, I, 495-496.
8 On Quadratus, see Quasten, pp. 190-1919 and Altaner, pp 117-118.
9 Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 4. 3. 1.
10 Ibid., 4. 3. 2 (NPNF, I, 175).
11 See Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 4. 3. 3. (NPNF I, 175); cf. also "Aristides," ODCC, p. 82 and D.M. Kay's introductory notice concerning Aristides in ANF, X, 259-261, for additional material concerning the date of the Apology
12 NPNF, III, 368.
13 The details are given by Kay, ANF, X, 260.
14 Quasten, p. 194.
15 Apology 15 P 15 (ANF, X, 276 [Syriac] and 277 [Greek]).
16 Apology 16 (ANF, X, 278 [consult both Syriac and Greek)
17 Apology 17 (ANF, X, 279 [both Syriac and Greek]).
18 ANF, X, 278.
19Dewick, Primitive Christian Eschatology pp. 350- 351, is the basis for the above statements.
20Cf. Apology 15 (Syriac) in ANF, X, 278.
21Note that, Aristides' references to an "everlasting kingdom" are no barrier to a chiliastic position since all millennialists hold that the Millennium is but the beginning of an eternal kingdom. The fact that he makes no distinction between the judgment of the righteous and of the wicked is somewhat more telling, though the fact that he is speaking generally of the fact that all men must face God's judgment may be sufficient explanation. On the other hand, the primitive character of his eschatology and the emphasis he places on receiving the promises in the Kingdom might be cited. But none of these considerations are at all conclusive.
22We know nothing of the life of Aristo.
23 ANF, IV, 521. There is also a passing reference to Aristo in Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 4. 6. 3. That the author of the Disputation mentioned by Origen was Aristo is learned from Maximus Confessor. Cf. A. Harnack, "Aristo of Pella," NSH, I, 283. The fragments concerning Aristo are collected in ANF, VIII, 749-750.
24Quasten, p. 195. A letter wrongly attributed to Cyprian states that Jason was a Jewish-Christian and Papiscus an Alexandrian Jew, who was converted by Jason. Cf. Harnack, "Aristo of Pella," p. 283.
25The anti-chiliastic note was first definitively Bounded in Alexandria by Origen. Earlier, the Epistle of Barnabas--an anti-Jewish, allegorical work of an Alexandrian Jewish Christian--was definitely chiliastic.
26Dialogue with Trypho 8 (ANF, I, 198).
27ANF I, 305-306. On the life of Justin Martyr, see Quasten, pp. 196-197; Altaner, pp. 120-121; and N. Bonwetsch, "Justin Martyr," NSH, VI, 282.
28See the works listed in Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 4. 18 (NPNF, I, 196-197) and Jerome Lives of Illustrious Men 23 (NPNF, III, 369).
29In ANF, I, 163-187, 188-193, and 194-270, respectively.
30Quasten, p. 207.
31 Second Apology 7 (ANF, I, 190).
32Quasten, pp. 199-201, is the basis for the above.
33ANF, I, 169.
34CF. First Apology 43 (ANF, I, 177).
35ANF, I, 176.
36First Apology 52 (ANF, I, 180).
37Ibid.
38First Apology 11 (ANF, I, 166). Erwin R. Goodenough, The Theology of Justin Martyr; An investigation Into the Conceptions of Early Christian Literature and Its Hellenistic and Judaistic Influences (Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1968), p. 286, n. 2, maintains that the mention of the future kingdom here "is nothing more than an extremely awkward attempt to avoid the subject. The chapter has no significance for Justin's beliefs except to show that the kingdom was a matter which he did not then care to discuss. Indeed the reign of Christ from Jerusalem is entirely consistent with every word in the chapter."
39So Strong, Amillennialism in the New Testament, pp. 18-19, and Grier, The Momentous Event pp. 24-25. Cf. Briggs, "Origin and History of Premillenarianism," pp. 225-228, and James Donaldson, A Critical History of Christian Literature and Doctrine; From the Death of the Apostles to the Nicene Council, Vol. 11: The Apologists (London; Macmillan and Co., 1866), pp. 257-264.
40E. W. Barnard, Justin Martyr: His Life and Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), p. 165.
41A. Je Visser, "A Birds-Eye View of Ancient Christian Eschatology," Numen, XIV (March, 1967), 9 Visser goes on to add: "For the same reason it is very premature to gather from the silence of other authors like Theophilus, Athenagorus and Tatianus on this topic, that they were no Millenniarists. . ." Cf. Augustus Neander, General History of the Christian Religion and Church, trans. by Joseph Torrey, Vol I: Comprising the First Great Division of the History (11th American ed.; Boston: Corcker and Brewster, 1872), p. 669. Schaff, p. 617 n. 3 states; "The omission of Justin in Jerome's list of Chillasts can prove nothing against the testimony of all the manuscripts." (this is contra Briggs.)
42Schaff, p. 718.
43There is a reference to the First Apology In chapter 120.
44Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 4. 18. 6.
45Quasten, p. 203.
46Quasten, p. 203; Barnard, Justin Martyr, p. 165.
47Dialogue with Trypho 80-81 (ANF, I, 239-240).
48The comment of George Bush, A Treatise on the Millennium; in which the Prevailing Theories on the Subject Are Carefully Examined; and the True Scriptural Doctrine Attempted To Be Elicited and Established (New York: J. & J. Harper, 1832), pp. 36-37 "that Justin's claim that Isaiah and Ezekiel testify to the Millennium is "exceedingly deficient, "because "the prophets referred to say nothing respecting the period of a thousand years, so that his expectation, as far as it relates to a limited term of years, clearly betrays its Jewish original," is specious; Justin immediately thereafter cites the Apocalypse, which, in chapter 20, explicitly mentions 1000 years six times. Justin means that the prophets foretold the character of the Messianic Kingdom; the precise duration is given in Rev. 20.
49E.g., Shimeall, Reply to Shedd, pp. 66-67.
50See Thomas Newton, Dissertations on the Prophecies, which Have Remarkably Been Fulfilled, and at this Time Are Fulfilling in the World, rev. by W. S. Dobson (Philadelphia: Crissy & Markley, 1850), p. 590; and K. R. Hagenbach, A History of Christian Doctrines (Edinburgh: T. & T Clark 1883), I, 304.
51Hagenbach, History of Christian Doctrines, I, 304, n. 1.
52Belief in two advents was very important in discussions with a second century Jew. It had to be demonstrated that the kingly prophecies concerning the Messiah would be fulfilled in the Second Advent, following his sufferings in the First. Cf. Goodenough, Theology of Justin Martyr, p. 280. On Justin's general eschatological scheme, see Schaff, pp. 616-617; Barnard, Justin Martyr, pp. 157-168; L. W. Barnard, "Justin Martyr's Eschatology," Vigiliae Christianae, XIX (1965), 86-98; and Goodenough, Theology of Justin Martyr, pp. 279-291.
53Dialogue with Trypho 110 (ANF, I, 253-254).
54Dialogue with Trypho 32 (ANF, I, 210).
55Ibid.; Goodenough, Theology of Justin Martyr, p. 281 maintains falsely that this contradicts the statements of the First Apology 45. But there is no implication in the Apology that there is to be a gradual checking of the demonic activity until evil has at last been conquered, and that, then, Christ will return. See also chapters 31 (ANF, I, 209).
56Dialogue with Trypho 14, 40, 113 (ANF, I, 202, 215, 255). Chapter 113 speaks of a holy resurrection or a resurrection of the saints. Cf. Goodenough, Theology of Justin Martyr, p. 284.
57Dialogue with Trypho 113 (ANF, I, 255).
58Ibid. Cf. chapter 139 (ANF I, 269).
59Dialogue with Trypho 39 (ANF, I, 214).
60Dialogue with Trypho 51 (ANF, I, 221).
61Dialogue with Trypho 45 and 120 (ANF, I, 217 and 259).
62Henry Scott Holland, "Justinus Martyr, St.,"
DCB, III, 571.
63And some of the rough edges in his eschatology--which Goodenough, like a nineteenth century German Higher Critic, insists on constructing as "contradictions"--would certainly refined.
64On the life of Tatian, see Quasten, p. 220; Altaner, p. 127; "Tatian" ODCC, p. 1323; John Mee Fuller, "Tatianus (1)," DCB, IV, 783-784; and E. Preuschen, "Tatian," NSH, XI, 274.
65ANF, II, 65-82.
66Address to the Greeks 6 (ANF, II, 67).
67E.g., Peters, The Theocratic Kingdom, I, 495 and Seiss, as cited by Briggs, "Origin and History of Premillenariansm," p. 224.
68Briggs, "Origin and History of Premillenarianism," p. 224, claims that Tatian could not possibly have been a chiliast, for "his works exhibit a tendency to the opposite eschatology of Gnosticism, which soon reached its climax in his organization of a peculiar Gnostic sect." Briggs, however, ignores the example of Cerinthus, who, apparently, succeeded in blending Gnostic and carnal, Judaistic millenarian concepts. Certainly, Tatian's statements in the Address to the Greeks 6 about the corporeality of the resurrection body do not support Briggs' position.
69Shimeall, Reply to Shedd, p. 42.
70On Miltiades, see Quasten, p. 228.
71Cf. George Salmon, "Miltiades (1)," DCB, III, 916, for a complete list of notices.
72Ibid.
73Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 5. 17. 5.
74Tertulllan Against the Valentintians 5; Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 5. 28. 4. Eusebius here mentions Miltiades as a defender of the divine-human character of Christ.
75On the tortured question of the confused Identities of the "Alcibiades" and "Miltiades" mentioned in connection with the Montanist controversy, see Salmon's full discussion, "Miltiades," p. 916.
76The spelling employed in the most ancient, MSS.which refer to him is . Latin writers usually used the form Apollinaris. Cf. George Salmon, "Apolinaris or Apolinarius Claudius [sic]," DCB, I, 132.
77Jerome Lives of Illustrious Men 26 (NPNF, III, 369).
78Ibid., and Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 4. 27 (NPNF, I, 206-207).
79In the Chronicon paschale. See Quasten, pp. 228-229 on the works of Apollinaris.
80There has been much controversy over which side of the controversy Apollinaris took. Cf. Salmon, "Apolinaris or Apolinarius Claudius," p. 132. Advanced in support of his having taken the side of the Roman practice are two points: a similarity between his language and that employed by such non-Quartodecimans as Clement of Alexandria and Hippolytus) and, the omission of his name in the list of Polycrates. In support of his having been a guartodeciman are the following: he speaks of his antagonists as "some who raise contention through ignorance," which implies that he was contending against a small party rather than against the belief and practice of the whole Church of Asia Minor~further, if he was the first in Asia to defend the Western practice, it is indeed strange that Eusebius--or some other later writer--made no mention of him as a champion of Catholic practice.
81Collected in ANF, VIII, 772-773.
82NPNF, III, 367.
83Chapter 26 (NPNF, III, 369).
84Chapter 104 (NPNF, III, 381).
85Jerome Commeintariorum in Ezechielem II. 36 (in J.-P. Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Completus: Series Latina, XXV, col. 339.
86NPNF, I, 206 n. l See also th6 erudite comments of Salmon, "Apolinaris or Apolinarius Claudius," p. 133 following Routh; and Schaff, p. 740, n. 4.
87The presence of the name of Severus in the Commentary negates any argument that the parallelism is absolute.
88Though it has no real bearing on the question at hand, it should also be noted that Jerome's statement that Irenaeus was "the first" of the Greek chiliasts is, as Schaff has noted, "a palpable error," Schaff, p. 740, n. 4.
89Furthermore, like most of the earliest chiliasts, his works have perished. The argument--sometimes advanced that Apollinaris opposition to Montanism weighs against his having been a chiliast is without foundation, since others from Asia fought Montanism while holding to Millenarianism.
90Quasten, p. 229.
91Found in ANF, II, 129-148 and 149-162.
92"Athenagoras," ODCC, p. 100.
93Eusebius, Jerome, and their successors are silent. regarding him. Methodius alone, of ancient writers, quotes him. Certain notices of an unknown scribe (Cod. Barroc. 142)quoting from Philippus Sidetes (early fifth century) state the following concerning him; that he was an Athenian by birth and the first director of the catechetical school of Alexandria, that he lived in the time of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius and was converted while searching the Scriptures for arguments against the Christians (after the manner of Celsus) But, as Harnack notes, "Athenagoras," NSH, I, 347, most of these notices are palpably erroneous.
94Quasten, p. 229.
95Supplication for the Christians 31 (ANF, II, 147-148).
96Quasten, p. 231.
97E. C. Dewick, Primitive Christian Eschatology, p. 357. Note, however, that Anthenagoras' views would hardly be compatible with those of that great eastern anti-chiliast, Origen.
98George Salmon, "Melito," DCB, III, 894.
99He may have been martyred ca. 177; cf. ANF, VIII, 751.
100"Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 5. 24. 5 (NPNF, I, 242)
101The Apology is contained In ANF, VIII, 751-756.
102ANF, VIII, 750.
103On Melito, see Quasten, p. 242, and George Salmon, "Melito," DCB, III, 894.
104"Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 4. 21.
105See the lists of Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 4. 26 (NPNF, 1, 203-206) and Jerome Lives of Illustrious Men 24 (NPNP III, 368-369).
106Edited by Campbell Bonner in 1940.
107G. Racle, "Melito of Sardes," New Catholic Encyclopedia IX, 632.
108NPNF, I, 203, n. 1. Cf. Erwin Preuschen, "Melito," NSH, Vll, 290.
109ANF, VIII, 754.
110ANF, VIII, 755-756.
111Gennadius De Ecclesiasticia dogmatibus 55 (in J.-P. Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Completus: Series Latin, LVIII, col. 994).
112I.e., that there will be future banquets and prodigious quantities of food springing forth from a renewed and bountiful earth.
113Oranzo Giordano, "II millenarismo orientale alla fine del II secolo," Helikon, III (1963), 337, understands by this clause that the Melitians agreed with Gennadius in rejecting any terrestrial or transitory interpretation of the promises. This leads Giordano to conclude that Melito's eschatological conceptions were far removed from those common to his time, and utterly foreign to the Jewish-Christian traditions of the Asian circle of presbyters to which he belonged. Giordano, however, misreads Gennadius, who intends to lump the Melitians with the other chiliasts he mentions. Gennadius, for his part, rejects all forms of millenarianism.
114E.g., Shimeall, Reply to Shedd, p. 69; Peters, The Theocratic Kingdom, I, 495; and Gaebelein, The Hope of the Ages, p. 124. In speaking of Melito, these same writers repeat, a common error and cite both Jerome and Gennadius as affirming that Melito was a "decided Millenarian." This is erroneous, for the only reference in later writers to the chiliasm of Melito or the "Melitians" is this single citation in Gennadiuas; the Lives of Illustrious Men is silent on the subject.
115Briggs, "Origin and History of Premillenarianism," pp. 224-225.
116See the arguments adduced below. Cf. Also Danielou, Theologie du Judeo-Christianism, p. 352: "Irenee atteste la persistance du millenarisme a la fin du second siecle dans la Grande Eglise. On peut en rapprocher Meliton de Sardes." Beckwith, "Millennium, Millenarianism," p. 375. Bethune-Baker, The Early History of Christian Doctrine, p. 70; and Adolf Harnack, History of Dogma, trans. by Neil Buchanan (2nd ed; London and Edinburgh: Williams and Norgate, 1897), II, 296, n. 1, all call Melito a chiliast. Some cite the language of Polycrates (Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 5. 24. 5) as supporting the chiliasm of Melito. But, contra Giordano, "II millenarismo orientale alla fine del II secolo," P. 345, it makes no reference to Christ coming in glory to raise the saints, in the Greek text. Cf. J.-P. Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Completus: Series Graeca, XX, col. 496.
117Giordano, "Il millenarismo orientale alla fine del XX secolo," p. 337, n. 37, following Alcaniz.
118E. Amann, "Meliton de Sardes ( Saint ), Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique, Xa, col. 541.
119So Giordano, "Il millenarismo orientale alla fine del II secolo," pp. 336-337 and Harnack, History of Dogma, II, 296, n. 1.
120Amann, "Meliton de Sardes (Saint)," col. 544.
121"The suggestion of Giordano, "Il millenarismo orlentale alla fine del II secolo," pp. 337-342, that because Melito's Apology does not breathe a spirit of hostility towards the Roman Empire, that, therefore, he stands outside the common stream of millenarianism, is unreasonable. CC. Justin Martyr First Apology 17. Giordano errs in thinking that there is something incompatible between belief in the coming, smiting stone of Dan. 2 and belief that the Empire and Church should co-exist. What, in any case, does Giordano expect to find in an Apology addressed to the emperor? It would hardly serve any apologetic purpose to give an exposition of the coming fate of Rome, according of the prophets!
122On Theophilus, see Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 4. 20, 24; Jerome, Lives of Illustrious Men 25; Theophilus To Autolycus 1. 14; Quasten, p. 236; A. Hauck, "Theophilus of Antioch," NSH, XI, 406; and Edmund Venables, "Theophilus (4)," DCB, IV, 993.
123To Autolycus 3. 28 (ANF, II, 120).
124Giordano, "Il mlllenarismo orientale alla fine del II secolo," pp. 348-349, forms the basis for this paragraph.
125To Autolycus l. 2 (ANF, II, 89).
126To Autolycus l. 7 (ANF, II, 91).
127Ibid.
128To Autolycus l. 14 (ANF, II, 93).
129Giordano, "Il millenarismo alla fine del II secolo," p 349, translated.
130ANF, II, 101.
131This is the point of that much maligned fragment of Papias concerning the fruitfulness of the vines, etc.
132ANF, II, 104. Robert M Grant, "Theophilus of Antioch to Autolycus", Harvard Theological Review, XL (October, 1947) 234-235, has shown that the commentary in To Autolycus 2 on the Genesis cosmogony is closely related to the work Against the Heresy of Hermogenes, in which Theophilus employed testimonies from the Apocalypse.
133Note that in the same context (2. 24), "Paradise" is defined a place intermediate in beauty between earth and heaven. The following quotation is from 2. 10 (ANF, II, 104).
134Epistle of Barnabas 6. 13.
135Giordano, "Il millenarismo orientale alla fine del II secolo," p. 351, translated.
136To Autolycus 3. 24-28 (ANF, II,118-120).
137 Note that he followed the LXX chronology.
138 So Giordano, "II millenarismo orientale alla fine del II secolo," p. 351. Grant, ""Theophilus of Antioch to Autolycus," p. 244, denies this, but without reason.
139 "Giordano, "II millenarismo orientale alla fine del II secolo," p. 349.
140Cf. Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 5. 24 (NPNF, I, 242-244). Jerome Lives of Illustrious Men 45 (NPNF, III, 372) is mainly content to repeat Eusebius' material. Note that, properly speaking, Polycrates was not an apologist at all. However, he is treated here in this chapter, because no other chapter seems an appropriate place to insert mention of him, and, because, in terms of chronology, geography, and tradition, he had strong connections with other persons treated here, such as Melito, Justin, Apollinaris, and Theophilus.
141Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 5. 23.
142Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 5. 24. 2
143Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 5. 24. 6.
144Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 5. 24. 7-8
145Giordano, "II II millennarismo orientale alla fine del II secolo," p. 344.
146Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 5. 24. 2. Notice also that Jerome records Polycrates' saying that Melito was laid to rest in Sardis, whence he awaits his resurrection at Christ's advent, Lives of Illustrious Men 45.
147The above is based on Giordano, "II millenarismo orientale alla fine del II secolo," pp. 345-346.
148Ibid., p. 346. Giordano remarks that Alcaniz alone among the historians of millennialism has observed this clue. Chiapelli, Charles, Corrodi, Gry, Klee, Lescoeur, Morondo, Vaucher, and others have passed over it.
149ANF, I, 25-30.
150Justin Martyr was originally assumed to be the author, because this work was included among a collection of his other writings in a MS. collection at the Strasburg library, where it was destroyed in the siege of 1870. But it is clearly not a work of Justin, since the style and language are quite different from his. Hippolytus has been suggested as the author, and, more recently, it has been suggested that this is the lost Apology of Quadratus. Schaff, p. 700, has suggested that the addressee may have been Diognetus, the tutor of the young Marcus Aurelius, ca. 133. On this question see Quasten, pp. 248-249, and Altaner, p. 135.
151G. Uhlhorn "Diognetus, Epistle to," NSH, III, 436.
152Ibid. p. 437.
153 Cf. chapters 5, 6, 9, and 10 (ANF, I, 27-29).
154Grier, The Momentous Event, p. 23.
155Epistle to Diognetus 7 (ANF, I. 27).
156This material is drawn from Quasten, p. 253, and Altaner, pp. 136-137.
157LeRoy Edwin Froom, The Prophetic Faith of our Fathers: The Historical Development of Prophetic Interpretation, Vol. I: Early Church Expositions Subsequent Deflections and Medieval Revival (Washington, D.C., Review and Herald, 1950), p. 443
158E.g., Irenaeus and Victorinus.
159Giordano, "II millenarismo orientale alla fine del II secolo," p. 331 forms the basis for this paragraph.
160Ironically, it; was this very dedication to "primitive" Christianity which later rendered the back-woods brethren in Phrygia susceptible to the "puritan" preaching of Montanus.
161J. L. Neve and 0. W. Heick, A History of Christian Thought, Vol. I: History of Christian Doctrine (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1946), p. 48. The statement of Meander, General History, I, 651, that "everything goes to indicate that it [millenarianism] was diffused from one country and from a single fountain-head," is an admission far nor damaging to his own position than he seems to realize.